武漢肺炎「一群官員,欺上瞞下!」中國社會爆發大恐慌,民怨政府隱瞞病情

PostBy: 殷楚楚-chuchu yin

2020年1月春節前夕,武漢肺炎疫情爆發,中國人心惶惶(AP)

全稱「新型冠狀病毒肺炎」的武漢肺炎疫情風暴擴大,釀4名患者喪命,時值中國春運期間,武漢做為交通樞紐,已有大量人口流動經過。由於不知道病毒從何而來,也不確定患者人數是否超過確診數量,中國社會恐慌情緒蔓延,擔心疫情會進一步惡化,質疑政府隱瞞疫情的聲浪四起。

武漢疫情高掛在中國社群網站「微博」的熱搜詞條。最早發病的患者送醫後,武漢當局隔了3周才向外公布「不明肺炎」,5周後限制武漢出入,但數百萬大學生與人口早已回家過年,微博「#武漢為何不早點讓公眾知情#」主題閱讀量達到2100多萬,網友怒斥:「一群官員,欺上瞞下!」要求政府即早說明嚴重性,呼籲民眾防疫。

民眾質疑當局重蹈SARS覆轍

16年前,嚴重急性呼吸道症候群(SARS)在亞洲大流行期間,中國政府最初延遲發布疫情信息,審查所有新聞媒體的報導,對嚴重程度輕描淡寫,這缺乏透明度的狀況後來導致SARS經中國人口移動,迅速由廣東擴散到香港、台灣、新加坡及加拿大。

2003年4月,北京著名醫生蔣彥永出面指控政府掩蓋疫情,逼得中國政府公開SARS防治工作的情況,開革處理疫情不當的時任衛生部黨組書記張文康、北京市委副書記孟學農。世界衛生組織(WHO)專家赴中國調查疫情時,病例數字與蔣彥永掌握的基本相似,引發了中國國內的強烈反對與國際社會的嚴厲批評。

這次,武漢市病例最早發病時間為12月12日,但時隔3周,武漢衛生委員會於12月31日才宣布暴發不明肺炎。今年1月9日,中國確認武漢肺炎的病原體是冠狀病毒,聯合國世界衛生組織(WHO)14日將其命名為2019-nCoV(2019新型冠狀病毒)。武漢自1月3日以後,有整整兩個星期沒有公布新病例,有8人因「造謠肺炎疫情」被公安逮捕。

18日,日本、泰國等海外地區陸續出現確診病例,中國當局公布資料卻顯示境內只有45例,疫情並未擴散至其他省分、縣市。「境外」消息比「境內」官方資訊來得更嚴重,英國疾病研究機構推估真實染病人數恐高達1723人。這也引發中國民間質疑政府隱瞞真實疫情,嘲諷這個病毒是「戰狼病毒」、「愛國病毒」。

中國國家衛生委員會19日表示,疫情仍舊「可防可控」,僅為「有限度人傳人」。20日深夜,官方媒體才公布,防疫權威、國家衛健委高級別專家組組長鐘南山院士的專業說法,指出武漢冠狀病毒確實可以「人傳人」,傳染性雖不如SARS那麼強,但這種疾病的強度正在「攀升」,並暗示「目前的死亡率還不那麼具有代表性」。

21日,中國國家主席習近平出面發聲,必須全力做好防控工作,各級黨委和政府及有關部門「要把人民群眾生命安全和身體健康放在第一位」。不過許多中國網友冷嘲熱諷:「直到19號以前,官方輕描淡寫,百姓毫不警覺!萬家宴照辦不誤,如果不是鐘南山院士率先披露,會有這麼多信息發布嗎?」「把之前抓的那8個人放了,人家沒造謠!」

春運來臨、武漢是交通樞紐,中國面臨防疫大挑戰

在農曆新年假期,來自中國全國各地的人們會乘坐地鐵、高鐵、公車、飛機等大眾運輸工具,回家團聚或旅遊。據官方媒體報導,去年有近700萬中國遊客趁春節出國旅遊。武漢是華中地區人口超過1100萬的大城市,當地天河國際機場在去年11月流量突破300萬人次,並有高鐵往來於中國其他省市,是非常重要的交通樞紐。

上周起,武漢加強公共場所及交通管理,機場、火車站、長途汽車站、客運碼頭安裝紅外線測溫儀,各區陸續加強離漢旅客體溫檢測工作。21日起,武漢市旅遊團隊不組團外出,公安交管部門對進出武漢的私家車輛進行抽檢,檢查後備箱是否攜帶活禽、野生動物等。

然而這些措施是在初次疫情爆發後的第5週才實施,這意味著無數乘客、百萬名大學生沒有經過任何篩查,就離開了這座城市。武漢市的防控引起人們的高度關注,在南韓被診斷出患有2019新型冠狀病毒的那位中國婦女,事先因發燒和肌肉疼痛而在武漢看過醫生,但醫師僅給她開了感冒藥,就讓她照常出國了。

疫情目前有多嚴重?

中國國家衛生健康委員會證實,2019新型冠狀病毒可以透過人對人傳播,武漢15名醫務人員也已被感染。目前中國確診291例,光是湖北省就確診270例,北京、上海、廣東、山東、四川都傳出確診。其他國家方面,泰國確診2例,日韓分別確診1例;疑似病例部分,香港106例,新加坡5例,越南2例。疫情的爆發已經遠遠超出武漢市,無法排除未來有可能發生近一步大規模傳染。(推薦閱讀:美國維吉尼亞州議會遭「武裝包圍」!槍枝管制法案過關,引來數萬名擁槍人士抗議

香港示威再起 要求政府回应五大诉求

PostBy: 殷楚楚-chuchu yin

本周六,香港教育专业人员协会组织了一场教育界大游行,要求特区政府立即回应“反送中”运动中示威者的五大诉求。而在红磡地区,游行组织方则提出了“不受伤、不流血、不被捕”。游行活动结束后,部分示威者在旺角地区与警方发生对峙。

(德国之声中文网) 游行队伍周六上午(8月17日)从遮打花园出发,前往礼宾府。据组织方的统计,大约有2.2万人参加了游行。而德新社现场记者则估算大约有数千人参加。大多数游行教师都着黑衣、系白丝带,手执”守护良知”等标语。

教育专业人员协会副会长、立法会教育界功能组别议员、泛民派人士叶建源在示威现场发表讲话指出,教师应当要表达良知、关心下一代。他谴责警方暴力对待年轻人,并质疑港府”凭什么说不调查就不调查,追寻公义难道成为了禁忌?”

教育界游行,主打“良知”议题

大会宣言则指出,教师教育下一代,不求学生飞黄腾达,只求学生紧守良知;而学生以自己前途守护城市前途的现状,则令广大教师十分心痛。

周六晚些时候,红磡地区也开始了一场示威活动。这场主题为”光复红土、还我静土”的游行,一度收到了警方”反对通知书”,不过在周五深夜成功上诉,特区高等法院批准了组织者修改后的新路线。法院同时提出,游行需符合一定条件,其中包括现场需要100名纠察人员维护示威秩序;并且游行抵达终点后,组织方必须呼吁参与者不应参加违法行为、并立刻离开。

据《明报》报道,在红磡游行开始前,申请人李轩朗表示,游行的主要目的是表达对该地区内地旅客和旅游者过多的问题,但是也不会忽略”反送中运动”的”五大诉求”。至于集会后是否会有示威者参与”其他活动”,李轩朗”不作评论”,只是表示会在抵达终点后呼吁大家离开。他希望香港人一定要安全,”不受伤、不流血、不被捕”。

教师游行队伍冒雨前行

在游行现场,纠察人员呼吁游行人士一旦见到”可疑人士”应报警。

下午17点30分许,游行队伍抵达黄埔站附近的终点后,组织方播放广播,呼吁游行人士“守法离开”。不过同时,也有人在终点附近派发口罩、手套等物资;还有人在太子道西搬动路障。

随后,部分示威者前往旺角警署方向,遭到防暴警察举蓝旗警告。

到了晚上21时许,各处的示威者大多已经散去。警方在周六并无动用催泪弹,但是射出了一发布袋弹。

本周日,香港预计还会有更大规模的示威活动。

港人去内地手机遭检查

同一天,泛民派议员郭家麒召开发布会,披露近期有多名香港市民在前往内地时被内地边境管理人员要求搜查个人物品,甚至还出现检查手机的情况。郭家麒说,内地边检要求删除与”反送中示威”相关的内容,有些香港市民甚至还因此被记录个人资料、禁止入境。

郭家麒透露,香港市民遭遇搜查个人物品的过境口岸包括深圳湾、皇岗、西九龙高铁站等,因此这是内地”有计划、有目的地针对香港人的措施”。他认为,查看手机、要求删除照片、记录个人资料是制造白色恐怖、违反中国《宪法》的行径。他要求香港特区政府履行保障港人隐私与安全的职责,向内地相关部门跟进事件、了解收集资料之用途。

中国《宪法》只是笼统地规定了”国家尊重和保障人权”、”禁止非法搜查公民的身体”。而在”通信自由”之宪法条款中,则规定了”除因国家安全或者追查刑事犯罪的需要……任何组织或者个人不得以任何理由侵犯公民的通信自由和通信秘密”。

而根据中国《出境入境管理法》,边防机关可以根据维护国家安全的需要对出入境人员携带的物品实施边防检查。中国《反恐怖主义法》则规定,火车站、机场等交通枢纽以及边境口岸的工作人员可以对人员及物品进行”安全检查”,发现违禁品应”予以扣留并立即向公安机关报告”。

就在本周早些时候,中国国务院港澳办语气强硬地指出,香港当前已经出现了”恐怖主义苗头”。

Hong Kong protesters seize government headquarters, clash with police

PostBy: 殷楚楚-chuchu yin

Hong Kong — Hundreds of protesters in Hong Kong swarmed into the legislature’s main building Monday night, tearing down portraits of legislative leaders and spray-painting pro-democracy slogans on the walls of the main chamber. Frustration was mounting over a lack of response from the administration to opposition demands.

Police carrying riot shields and firing tear gas moved in shortly after midnight to clear surrounding streets but appeared to have paused outside the legislative building. A spokesman had earlier broadcast a warning that “appropriate force” would be used in the clearance operation, but there was no immediate word on any arrests or injuries.

Video and images showed police advancing toward the legislature and firing tear gas at protesters near the government headquarters. The crackdown began around midnight.  

HONG KONG-CHINA-POLITICS
Police fire tear gas at protesters near the government headquarters in Hong Kong on July 2, 2019, on the 22nd anniversary of the city’s handover from Britain to China.

The flashing blue and red lights of dozens of police vans and buses lit up the abandoned streets leading to the legislature.

The sharp escalation in tactics came on the anniversary of the former British colony’s return to China, a city holiday, and reflected mounting frustration with Hong Kong’s leader for not responding to protesters’ demands after several weeks of demonstrations.

The protesters whacked away at thick glass windows until they shattered and broke and pried open steel security gates and propped them open with barricades to get inside. Police in riot gear retreated as the protesters entered about 9 p.m., avoiding a confrontation and giving them the run of the building.

hong-kong-1.jpg
A shot inside the Legislature Building in Hong Kong during the protest on July 1, 2019. 

CBS News producer Chris Laible said the demonstrators, mostly young people, earlier erected barricades at building exits where they thought police would come out. They propped doors and gates to the building open with any metal objects they could find, and used umbrellas to try to block the view of police inside the building.  Police shot pepper spray through a hole in the door of the building made by the protesters, which drove them back for a while. But hours later angry demonstrators swarmed into the legislature after prying open metal security curtains. Police appeared to back off as the protesters came in, apparently to avoid a confrontation.

WATCH: @CBSNews was inside Hong Kong’s Legislative Council. See what we saw here. We followed angry protestors who stormed the building. We were told police were coming to take it back. HK’s pan-Democrat’s have called on the city’s leader Carrie Lam to resign. #HongKongProtests pic.twitter.com/FTnJsLno1T— Ramy Inocencio 英若明 (@RamyInocencio) July 1, 2019

The demonstrators stood on lawmakers’ desks in the main legislative chamber, painted over the territory’s emblem high up on a wooden wall and wrote slogans calling for a democratic election of the city’s leader and denouncing now-suspended extradition legislation that sparked the protests. Many wore yellow and white helmets, face masks and the black T-shirts that have become their uniform. Police announced about 10:30 p.m. that they would clear the area, asking protesters to leave.

The actions prompted organizers of a separate peaceful march against the extradition bill to change the endpoint of their protest from the legislature to a nearby park, after police asked them to either call it off or change the route. Police wanted the march to end earlier in the Wan Chai district, but organizers said that would leave out many people who planned to join the march along the way.

Police estimated 190,000 people joined the peaceful march, the third major one in as many weeks. Organizers estimated the number at 550,000.

Anti-Extradition Protesters Rally In Hong Kong
Anti-extradition protesters use makeshift shields to defend themselves during a clash with police outside the Legislative Council Complex ahead of the annual flag raising ceremony of 22nd anniversary of the city’s handover from Britain to China on July 1, 2019 in Hong Kong, China.GETTY

Hong Kong has been wracked by weeks of protests over a government attempt to change extradition laws to allow suspects to be sent to China to face trial. The proposed legislation, on which debate has been suspended indefinitely, increased fears of eroding freedoms in the territory, which Britain returned to China on July 1, 1997.

CBS News correspondent Ramy Inocencio reported from the melee that both the combative protesters and the much larger group marching through Hong Kong’s streets — said by organizers to be about 550,000-strong — were venting anger at the city’s leader, Carrie Lam, and by extension her superiors in Beijing. Lam backed controversial changes to Hong Kong’s extradition law that would let China transfer anyone accused of a crime in Hong Kong into the mainland’s opaque court system. 

hong-kong-2.jpg
A shot inside the Legislature Building in Hong Kong during the protest on July 1, 2019. RAMY INOCENCIO CBS NEWS

Mounting frustration

The annual march was larger this year because of the simmering anger over the proposed extradition bill. Two marches in June against the legislation drew more than a million people, according to organizer estimates.

The government has suspended debate on the bill indefinitely, but protest leaders want it formally withdrawn and for Lam to resign. They also are demanding an independent inquiry into police actions during a June 12 protest, when officers used tear gas and rubber bullets to disperse protesters who blocked the legislature on the day debate on the bill had been scheduled to resume.

The police say the use of force was justified, but have since adopted softer tactics, even as protesters besieged police headquarters in recent days, pelting it with eggs and spray-painting slogans on its outer walls.

Earlier, protesters demanding Hong Kong’s embattled leader step down clashed with police outside a flag-raising ceremony marking the anniversary of the former British colony’s return to China. Lam pledged to be more responsive to public sentiment.suspended debate on the bill

Police used riot shields and pepper spray to push back hundreds of helmeted protesters who tried to advance down closed streets toward the harborfront ceremony venue, where the Chinese and Hong Kong flags were raised together and two helicopters and a small flotilla passed by.

At the ceremony, Lam said a series of protests and marches that have attracted hundreds of thousands of students and other participants in recent weeks had taught her that she needs to listen better to the youth, and Hong Kong’s people in general. Lam has come under withering criticism for trying to push through the legislation.

“This has made me fully realize that I, as a politician, have to remind myself all the time of the need to grasp public sentiments accurately,” she said in a five-minute speech to the gathering in the city’s cavernous convention center.

She insisted her government has good intentions but said she “will learn the lesson and ensure that the government’s future work will be closer and more responsive to the aspirations, sentiments and opinions of the community.”

Security guards pushed pro-democracy lawmaker Helena Wong out of the room as she walked backward shouting at Lam to resign and withdraw the “evil” legislation. She later told reporters she was voicing the grievances and opinions of the protesters, who could not get into the event.

New this morning in Hong Kong. Police cordoned off this entrance protestors used to swarm into LegCo last night. The city takes stock of the damage today – physically, psychologically, economically. CE Carrie Lam says she hopes the city will return to normal. #HongKongProtests pic.twitter.com/LqllucWxBC— Ramy Inocencio 英若明 (@RamyInocencio) July 1, 2019

The following morning, Lam said she was hoping Hong Kong would return to normal.

Additional list of re-education camps in Xinjiang

PostBy: 殷楚楚-chuchu yin

The facilities I identified in this list are very likely re-education camps. But I cannot find supporting evidence such as procurement notices, government records, news, or local sources to confirm that these facilities are indeed re-education camps. This is becoming more and more common after 2018 because Xinjiang government has been more cautious to public information regarding re-education camps. The formal list of re-education camps only includes camps with supporting evidence. This list only includes camps with no supporting evidence other than satellite imagery.

  1. Gulja/ Yining County, Ili

43.980717, 81.535563

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2. Gulja/ Yining City, Ili

43.870143, 81.383824

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3. Zhaosu, Ili

43.182521, 81.135026

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4. Baijiantan, Karamay

45.698504, 85.156210

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5. Kuqa/ Kuche, Aksu

41.753920, 83.019399

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6. Xayar/ Shaya, Aksu

41.233676, 82.835233

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7. Artux/ Atushi, Kizilsu

39.669080, 76.091044

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8. Hotan County, Hotan

37.235631, 79.836379

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9. Hotan County, Hotan

37.239629, 79.850156

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Xinjiang re-education camps list by cities

PostBy: 殷楚楚-chuchu yin

  1. Urumqi City

Tianshan District 天山区

Saybag District 沙依巴克区

Xinshi District 新市区

Shuimogou District 水磨沟区

Toutunhe District 头屯河区

Dabancheng District 达坂城区 43.383833, 88.288389

Midong District 米东区

Ürümqi County 乌鲁木齐县

2. Karamay City

Dushanzi District 独山子区 44.331648, 84.821874

Karamay District 克拉玛依区 45.533700, 84.796670

Baijiantan District 白碱滩区 45.698504, 85.156210

Orku District 乌尔禾区

3. Turpan City

Gaochang District 高昌区 42.960889, 89.21716742.946017, 89.23118242.950152, 89.24012742.953682, 89.238152

Shanshan County 鄯善县 42.880909, 90.132269

Toksun County 托克逊县

3. Hami City

Yizhou District 伊州区 42.811472, 93.433611

Barkol County 巴里坤县

Yiwu County 伊吾县

4. Changji Prefecture

Changji city 昌吉市 44.101911, 86.996106

Fukang city 阜康市 44.196194, 87.874286

Hutubi County 呼图壁县 44.206923, 86.893920

Manas County 玛纳斯县 44.329306, 86.160519

Qitai County 奇台县

Jimsar County 吉木萨尔县

Mori County 木垒县

5. Bortala Prefecture

Bole city 博乐市

Alashankoucity 阿拉山口市

Jinghe County 精河县

Wenquan County 温泉县

6. Bayingolin Prefecture

Korla city 库尔勒市 41.705044, 86.283372

Luntai County 轮台县

Yuli County 尉犁县 41.373725, 86.318747

Ruoqiang County 若羌县

Qiemo County 且末县 38.104943, 85.574115

Yanqi County 焉耆县

Hejing County 和静县 42.311591, 86.310317

Hoxud County 和硕县

Bohu County 博湖县

7. Aksu Prefecture

Aksu city 阿克苏市 41.117222, 80.16175041.124182, 80.172647

Wensu County 温宿县 41.344615, 80.24148941.266701, 80.247408*

Kuqa County 库车县 41.731278, 83.00861141.753920, 83.019399

Xayar County 沙雅县 41.192463, 82.73932141.233676, 82.835233

Xinhe County 新和县

Baicheng County 拜城县

Wushi County 乌什县

Awat County 阿瓦提县

Kalpin County 柯坪县

8. Kizilsu Prefecture

Artux city 阿图什市 39.642389, 75.99469439.639799, 75.99512639.669080, 76.091044

Akto County 阿克陶县 39.147917, 75.95222239.260278, 76.001764

Akqi County 阿合奇县

Wuqia County 乌恰县

9. Kashgar Prefecture

Kashgar city 喀什市 39.431667, 76.055750 , 39.457111, 76.041944*, 39.456833, 75.975333* , 39.469306, 75.969472*, 39.451806, 76.110250

Shufu County 疏附县 39.359194, 75.863889 ; 39.33253536,75.68783723

Shule County 疏勒县 39.358111, 76.051139 ; 39.382061, 76.072503*; 39.380806, 76.078222 ; 39.410674, 76.13295939.407461, 76.094108;

Yengisar County 英吉沙县 38.937523, 76.05879638.960800, 76.156387

Zepu County 泽普县 38.086181, 77.112836

Shache County 莎车县 38.351695, 77.30574038.317354, 77.21057938.362843, 77.22569938.411947, 77.14444238.362651, 77.12096238.365028, 77.11986138.460150, 77.46743938.678054, 77.30483938.236269, 77.096636

Yecheng County 叶城县 37.916778, 77.35147237.851194, 77.437028

Makit County 麦盖提县 38.837583, 77.70747238.880546, 77.656862

Yopurga County 岳普湖县

Jiashi County 伽师县 39.538611, 76.71391739.438250, 76.74047239.488704, 76.706074

Bachu County 巴楚县 39.825278, 78.550111*; 39.818870, 78.51851939.812540, 78.556033

Taxkorgan County 塔什库尔干县

10. Hotan Prefecture

Hotan city 和田市 37.111806, 79.970833*; 37.163833, 79.86691737.130112, 79.971045

Hotan County 和田县 37.249778, 79.84805637.235631, 79.836379; 37.239629, 79.850156;

Moyu County 墨玉县 37.111861, 79.64191737.252194, 79.72188937.227560, 79.73481537.259190, 79.747715

Pishan County 皮山县

Lop County 洛浦县 37.101962, 80.179048

Qira County 策勒县 36.982383, 80.81375336.964510, 80.813332

Yutian County 于田县 36.800339, 81.83290936.835777, 81.755686

Minfeng County 民丰县

11. Ili Prefecture

Yining city 伊宁市 43.977428, 81.13883043.870143, 81.383824

Kuytun city 奎屯市 44.412373, 85.070769

Korgas city 霍尔果斯市

Yining County 伊宁县 43.974431, 81.49615644.000237, 81.53337743.980717, 81.535563

Qapqal County 察布查尔县 43.839905, 81.164962

Huocheng County 霍城县 44.025250, 80.87408344.058975, 80.849792

Gongliu County 巩留县 43.517357, 82.209137

Xinyuan County 新源县

Zhaosu County 昭苏县 43.149514, 81.10932043.182521, 81.135026

Tekes County 特克斯县

Nilka County 尼勒克县 43.798260, 82.487920

12. Tacheng Prefecture

Tacheng city 塔城市 46.717771, 82.955078

Usu city 乌苏市 44.421126, 84.670065

Emin County 额敏县

Shawan County 沙湾县 44.346051, 85.629137

Toli County 托里县

Yumin County 裕民县

Hoboksar County 和布克赛尔县

13. Altay prefecture

Altay city 阿勒泰市

Burqin County 布尔津县

Fuyun County 富蕴县

Fuhai County 福海县

Habahe County 哈巴河县

Qinghe County 青河县

Jeminay County 吉木乃县

14. Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps

Shihezi city 石河子市

Aral city 阿拉尔市

Tumxuk city 图木舒克市

Wujiaqu city 五家渠市

Beitun city 北屯市

Tiemenguancity 铁门关市

Shuanghe city 双河市

Kokdala city 可克达拉市

Kunyu city 昆玉市

* means camps are likely not in use any more

Photos: Hong Kong Protesters Return to the Streets

PostBy: 殷楚楚-chuchu yin

Hundreds of thousands of Hong Kong citizens filled the city’s streets for a second weekend of protest against a controversial extradition bill that would allow authorities to send suspected criminals to China. The demonstration took place despite an earlier statement from Chief Executive Carrie Lam indicating that the proposed bill would be suspended indefinitely. Marchers were calling for Hong Kong’s leadership to step down and for a full withdrawal of the extradition bill. Organizers claim that more than 2 million people took part in the march in Hong Kong on Sunday.

A protester clenches his fist as hundreds of thousands of people march on the streets to stage a protest against the unpopular extradition bill in Hong Kong on June 16, 2019.

People pay their respects at the site where a man fell from a scaffolding at the Pacific Place complex while protesting against a proposed extradition bill, in Hong Kong, on June 16, 2019.

A man takes a selfie with a protest poster before sticking it to the wall of a walkway near the Legislative Council ahead of a speech by Chief Executive Carrie Lam on June 14, 2019.

Hong Kong’s Chief Executive, Carrie Lam, holds a press conference in Hong Kong on June 15, 2019. Lam said she will suspend a proposed extradition bill indefinitely in response to widespread public unhappiness over the measure, which would enable authorities to send some suspects to stand trial in mainland courts.

This general view shows thousands of protesters gathered ahead of the start of a new rally against a controversial extradition-law proposal in Hong Kong on June 16, 2019.

Protesters in a subway station, photographed on their way to the rally in Hong Kong on June 16, 2019

Protesters hold placards as they attend a demonstration demanding that Hong Kong’s leaders step down and withdraw the extradition bill, on June 16, 2019.

A large banner protesting against the extradition bill that reads “Fight for HK,” hung by pro-democracy protesters above Hong Kong on June 16, 2019

Protesters march on the streets against an extradition bill in Hong Kong on June 16, 2019.

Protesters hold placards as they prepare to demonstrate against the now suspended extradition bill on June 16, 2019.

A woman takes pictures from a rooftop as protesters march on a street below on June 16, 2019. 

An overhead view shows thousands of protesters marching through the street in Hong Kong on June 16, 2019.

Marchers continue to protest an extradition bill on June 16, 2019.

Protesters march through the streets of Hong Kong on June 16, 2019.

Protesters hold banners and shout slogans as they fill the streets of Hong Kong on June 16, 2019.

Protesters dressed in black take part in a new rally against a controversial extradition-law proposal in Hong Kong on June 16, 2019.

Protesters march in Hong Kong on June 16, 2019.

Demonstrators gather along a police barricade on June 16, 2019.

A protester with a mask gathers with others near the Legislative Council as they continue protesting against the unpopular extradition bill in Hong Kong early on June 17, 2019.

A protester holds a flag of Hong Kong between police and demonstrators outside the Office of the Chief Executive in Hong Kong on June 16, 2019.

Mourners hold candles during a vigil for a protester who died the previous night during a rally in Hong Kong, on June 17, 2019.

Protesters gather along a road after taking part in a march and rally on June 16, 2019. 

A helmet and messages of support for the protest against a proposed extradition bill are seen displayed in the early morning in Hong Kong on June 17, 2019.

Barricades, placed in an underground tunnel by protesters, photographed after a demonstration against the now suspended extradition bill on June 17, 2019

Hong Kong Is on the Frontlines of a Global Battle For Freedom

PostBy: 殷楚楚-chuchu yin

Protesters throw back a tear gas canister fired by police during a rally against an extradition law proposal outside the government headquarters in Hong Kong on June 12.

Hong Kong Is on the Frontlines of a Global Battle For Freedom

By Feliz SolomonJune 12, 2019 9:00 PM EDT

The crowds weren’t just equipped for a storm, they were counting on one. When rain started to fall on the tens of thousands of mostly young people amassed around Hong Kong’s legislature on the morning of June 12, umbrellas popped open with loud shouts of “Ga yau!” — a Cantonese cheer meaning “Add oil,” as to a fire. Within hours, the flimsy canopies were flipped sideways and turned into makeshift shields against tear gas and pepper spray fired by local police. They proved less reliable against rubber bullets, however, and might offer no protection at all against the authoritarian forces that loom over the entire island.

But the point was to try.

The protests were hardly the first in the former British colony since it was handed over to China in 1997. The specter of greater control by communist authorities on the mainland had driven Hong Kongers onto the streets in 2003, 2012 and 2014. But this time, the numbers were greater than ever before and the escalation carried at least the sense of a showdown.Photograph by Kin Cheung—AP

The specific issue at hand was a bill that would allow the extradition of fugitives to stand trial in mainland China. The legislation, fast-tracked by the city’s leadership, is widely seen as a threat to the unique freedoms this city of 7 million enjoys. Under the terms of the handover, Hong Kong has operated under a customized model called “one country, two systems,” which gave it a 50-year period of effective self-rule, even though it is part of China. Its history as a lucrative colonial port town left a liberal legacy unique in the People’s Republic.

Hong Kongers have long lived a freer, more cosmopolitan lifestyle than most Chinese, and prejudice against mainlanders is pervasive. Free speech and an independent press are enshrined in the Basic Law that has governed the city since the handover. They’re proud of their distinct cuisine and language, speaking Cantonese rather than the Mandarin more common in greater China.

But critics fear that China’s encroachment may bring an end to all that. Beijing might use the law to nab opponents and submit them to its notoriously opaque justice system, they say. The risk could extend beyond residents, even to visitors who pass through the city’s transit hub. “If Hong Kong’s extradition bill becomes law,” says Sean King, a former U.S. diplomat in Asia and currently senior vice president for the consultancy firm Park Strategies, “I’d think very carefully about visiting again anytime soon.”

In other words, the contest for Hong Kong reflects the stakes for the larger world that China seeks to lead.

The rise of Beijing has been the major global story of the new century. But the very breadth of that ascent and the bland labels of the areas where it has edged toward dominance — trade, infrastructure, finance, tech — have served to mask the nature of the system China brings with it. That system is control.

On the mainland, the system appears to go unchallenged, because control is almost total and cast as conformity. Along with a surveillance state, China’s Communist Party has worked to impose a singular vision of Chinese identity in territories where diversity once thrived. In the far western province of Xinjiang, authorities have detained more than a million ethnic Uighurs and other Muslim minorities in concentration camps where they are forced to adopt secular Chinese customs. In Tibet, the party is systematically erasing a rich Buddhist heritage. President Xi Jinping has revived nationalism as a unifying force, in step with a rising tide of authoritarians around the globe that U.S. President Donald Trump has in many cases embraced.A police officer pepper-sprays demonstrators during a protest against the extradition law proposal on June 10.A police officer pepper-sprays demonstrators during a protest against the extradition law proposal on June 10. Lam Yik Fei—The New York Times/ReduxDemonstrators overturn metal barriers on June 10, as protests against the extradition law turn violent.Demonstrators overturn metal barriers on June 10, as protests against the extradition law turn violent. Lam Yik Fei—The New York Times/Redux

Now it appears to be Hong Kong’s turn to feel the heat of a greater power forcing it into conformity — but China’s freest city won’t give in without a fight. Hong Kong has a long history of mass demonstrations. Significantly, just days before the protests erupted, it was host to one of the largest-ever vigils for the victims of Beijing’s bloody 1989 crackdown on democracy activists at Tiananmen Square. It’s the only place on Chinese soil where the massacre is openly commemorated, while government censors try to wipe it from mainland memory. The spirit of the protests snuffed out 30 years before helped inflame the demonstrations seen in Hong Kong.

“We’re furious, we’re angry, some of us are afraid — but we’re here anyway,” says Laurie Wen, a 48-year-old writer who joined this month’s protests. “The thing that infuriates us the most is pointing to the sky during the day and calling it night.”

Read more: ‘I’m in Prison Because I Fought For My City’s Freedom. Hong Kong’s Extradition Law Would be a Victory for Authoritarianism Everywhere’

Hong Kong’s fresh wave of civil disobedience began with a murder. In February 2018, a pregnant 20-year-old woman from Hong Kong was killed by her boyfriend during a trip to Taiwan. The suspect, Chan Tong-kai, then 19, flew back to Hong Kong and has since been jailed for lesser crimes. Unable to prosecute the Hong Kong resident for a murder beyond the city’s jurisdiction and without legal grounds to send him to Taiwan, the city’s chief executive, Carrie Lam, pushed for a bill that would allow Chan to be extradited.

But the legislation raised alarm bells. Hong Kong’s courts and Lam would have the authority to transfer suspects to jurisdictions with which the territory has no extradition agreement — not just Taiwan but also mainland China. This presents a threat not just to criminals but potentially to anyone whose behavior offends the Communist Party leadership, from human-rights advocates to business executives.Police officers stand guard during a protest on June 12.Police officers stand guard during a protest on June 12. Billy H.C. Kwok—Getty Images

That helps explain why an unusually diverse assemblage of lawyers, students, stay-at-home moms, business-people and others joined the protests against what they see as an existential assault on their rights. On Sunday, June 9, a two-mile stretch of a central avenue was filled with column after column of protesters in a uniform of plain white T-shirts. From above, the mass of slow-moving city dwellers looked like a giant snake sliding through a forest of skyscrapers and wrapping its jaws around Hong Kong’s legislative headquarters.

If the estimates are even close to accurate, the march was the largest protest in the city’s history; organizers say more than a million people — one-seventh of the population — flooded the streets with chants of “No extradition to China!” and “Carrie Lam, step down!”

The reality is, China already feels empowered to grab its adversaries from Hong Kong soil. In 2015, five book-sellers peddling salacious volumes about mainland politics disappeared; all five eventually resurfaced in China. In 2017, a Chinese tycoon was abducted by secret police from one of the city’s luxury hotels. But the extradition bill would render what are now noteworthy exceptions into something entirely routine; if the option to legally extradite people is on the table, Beijing will use it, critics say.Tear gas is released during a protest on June 12.Tear gas is released during a protest on June 12. Billy H.C. Kwok—Getty ImagesProtesters raise their hands during a protest on June 12.Protesters raise their hands during a protest on June 12. Billy H.C. Kwok—Getty Images

Chinese officials have spoken out in full support of the legislation, but Lam steadfastly denies that the amendments were Beijing’s idea. “This bill was not initiated by the central people’s government. I have not received any instruction or mandate from Beijing,” Lam told reporters at a press conference on June 10. “We were doing it, and we are still doing it, out of our clear conscience and our commitment to Hong Kong.”

Though Lam’s critics describe her as a “puppet” of the mainland, her protests illustrate the importance of maintaining at least the pretense of independence. The Hong Kong government is still haunted by the massive protests of 2003, which forced it to back down on national-security legislation outlawing sedition and criticism of the Chinese government. Scrapping the bill was perceived as an admission that the government knew it was wrong, and Lam is fearful a repeat would destroy both Beijing’s trust in her loyalty and her legitimacy at home. The last time Hong Kongers took to the street in great numbers, in the 2014 student-led occupation of the financial district that became known as the Umbrella Movement, the authorities here and in Beijing refused to grant concessions. Many student leaders were jailed, and some remain behind bars. If Lam gives in now, Hong Kong will have proved that throngs in the street still have currency in the final free enclave of China.Protesters walk through a cloud of tear gas on June 12.Protesters walk through a cloud of tear gas on June 12. Billy H.C. Kwok—Getty Images

This time, unlike in 2014, the protests have taken on a more violent tenor. On the streets, clashes broke out after some demonstrators hurled bricks and bottles at police. The first clouds of tear gas exploded into the crowds just before 4 p.m. on June 12, sending panicked protesters and journalists fleeing for the safety of malls and parking garages. But the demonstrators are defiant, vowing to defy the government until the legislation is dead in the water.

The business and diplomatic communities have answered the call to support them. More than 100 local businesses committed to joining a labor strike on June 12 — an extremely rare event in Hong Kong — fearing the law could even endanger investors and government employees transiting through Hong Kong.

The government has already shown itself willing to punish private companies for offending Beijing; last year, Financial Times journalist Victor Mallet was denied a working visa after chairing a talk by a pro-independence activist.

Protest leaders have shown no sign of backing down. “We ask everyone to continue staying here to support the demonstration,” Claudia Mo, a lawmaker with the pro-democracy Civic Party yelled to cheering crowds shortly before they were dispersed. “During Occupy Central in 2014, we said, ‘We will be back.’ Today, we say, ‘We are back!’”

Read more: ‘Hong Kong Was My Refuge, Now Its Freedom Is at Stake’Police advance toward protesters outside the government headquarters on June 12.Police advance toward protesters outside the government headquarters on June 12. Dale De La Rey—AFP/Getty ImagesDemonstrators transport bricks at a protest site on June 12. Police said some protesters threw bricks at officers.Demonstrators transport bricks at a protest site on June 12. Police said some protesters threw bricks at officers. Lucien Lung—Riva Press/Redux

The rift between Beijing and Hong Kong has now been widening for 22 years, and every attempt by the central government to bring Hong Kong further into its fold has triggered panic and protest. This in turn has deepened Beijing’s distrust of Hong Kong, which it sees as disloyal and subject to foreign interference.

News about the latest protests is being heavily censored in China, where state-controlled newspapers have blamed the unrest on “foreign forces” meddling in Hong Kong’s affairs — but experts say it is China’s own interference that may be further alienating its rogue territory.

“By forcing the issue in such an aggressive and abrupt way,” says James Millward, a professor of history at Georgetown University, “China can actually be creating a population in Hong Kong that will dig in and actually redefine itself in opposition to the mainland even more than it has so far.”Protesters shout after police fired tear gas on June 12.Protesters shout after police fired tear gas on June 12. Anthony Wallace—AFP/Getty Images

That risks putting the two sides on a more overt collision course. At best, more sustained opposition to Beijing will lead to political deadlock. At worst, it could lead to punishment in whatever form it deems fit.

Beijing’s tolerance of Hong Kong ultimately comes down to a cost-benefit analysis, and the city may be becoming more trouble than it’s worth. In 1993, four years before the handover, the coastal enclave was China’s cash cow — a financial gateway between East and West. At the time, the city accounted for roughly 27% of China’s GDP. But 26 years later, the mainland is awash in mercantile centers made in its own image and Hong Kong accounts for only about 2.9% of the Chinese economy.

“Uncomfortably for Hong Kongers, and everyone who loves Hong Kong, the city finds itself on the front lines of a global battle between a resurgent Chinese Communist Party and a world that adheres to liberal democratic values,” says Ben Bland, director of the Southeast Asia Project at the Lowy Institute and author of Generation HK: Seeking Identity in China’s Shadow. “The systems maintained by these two blocs are incompatible when pressed up against each other.”Police rest on a street during a rally near the government headquarters on June 12.Police rest on a street during a rally near the government headquarters on June 12. Dale De La Rey—AFP/Getty Images

Hong Kong’s freedoms currently allow it to fight back in ways that other parts of China can’t, but for how long? The state is becoming only more pervasive. -Xinjiang is seen by many as a laboratory for wider application of invasive surveillance. Human-rights groups have reported police methods for harvesting data from Xinjiang residents from phones and ID cards and using it to track and detain supposed threats to public order. “Many people think that Hong Kong may be the next place where it gets rolled out,” says Millward of Georgetown. In the meantime, the memory of Tiananmen — where public protest was ultimately met with tanks and fusillades — is as vivid as it is chilling in Hong Kong.

Like many youths who joined the latest protests, high school student Rachel Liu grew up in a political state scheduled to expire within her lifetime. At 15 years old, she’s tasted the freedom that Hong Kong offers and is afraid of the change an increasingly authoritarian Beijing will bring to the only home she knows. “There are so many officials in China, and they have so much power,” she said. “Even if this amendment doesn’t pass, there will be other amendments, other laws in the future that will bring Hong Kong more and more under China’s control. There’s nothing more important than this movement right now.” — With reporting by Laignee Barron, Aria Chen, Amy Gunia, Abhishyant Kidangoor and Hillary Leung/Hong Kong and Charlie Campbell/Shanghai

六四「最後的秘密」 香港出版中共機密文件再揭權力內幕

PostBy: 殷楚楚-chuchu yin

「六四」資料照片

1989年6月3日深夜至4日凌晨, 中共下令軍隊鎮壓學生民主運動,用武力驅趕佔領北京天安門廣場的大學生,造成至少數百人傷亡。

如何收拾殘局和中共有關「六四」問題的決策內幕一直是中共的最高政治秘密,民間對事件真相追求的努力一直沒有停止,黨內文件不斷以各種渠道公布出來。

「六四」30週年之際,香港新世紀出版社出版《最後的秘密——中共十三屆四中「六四」結論文檔》,公布關於「六四」事件的又一批黨內機密文件,展現「六四」鎮壓後,中共「統一思想」的過程,揭露高層權力運作的機制。

6月19日至21日中共中央政治局擴大會議在北京召開,多位中共元老在會上做了講話或書面發言,隨後,中共十三屆四中全會在西郊賓館召開,489名中共黨內元老和最高級別官員出席。政治局擴大會議上產生的文件,以中央文件的形式下發。這是中共最後一次、也是唯一一次以中央全會的形式對「六四」事件定下結論。

「最後的秘密」

「六四」軍隊開槍20天後,於6月23-24日召開的此次中央全會的主要議題是支持鄧小平的開槍決定,用中央全會的形式,撤銷趙紫陽的總書記職務, 強化 「4.26 社論」對「八九學運」的定性,並集體「學習」鄧小平關於「六四」事件的數個講話和時任總理李鵬關於撤消趙紫陽職務的報告。

數天前舉行的中共政治局擴大會議上的元老講話和高官發言以機密文件的形式發給參會官員,在會議結束時全面回收以確保對外保密。

《最後的秘密》一書收錄了十三屆四中全會下發的27份文件, 共209頁。包括陳雲、楊尚昆、李先念、薄一波、王震、聶榮臻、萬里、彭真、胡啟立、芮杏文等17名中共元老和高官口頭講話和書面表態會議記錄。

鄧小平5月31日和6月16日與高級領導人的談話記錄,以及北京市委李錫銘、市長陳希同和公安部長王芳的報告也在新書文件中。

這些從未公開的內部資料揭露了中共高層政治內幕。深入分析這批珍貴史料,可有助了解中共政權面臨合法性危機時,身處中國最高權力小圈子的中共官員,如何主動或被迫懺悔、站隊和表態,支持鄧小平,批判趙紫陽。

《最後的秘密》

「冒險」出版過程與真實性核實

銅鑼灣書店事件之後,香港的政治類圖書出版業幾乎停滯,獨立出版人面臨極大政治和生存壓力。

在嚴格保密的情況下,新世紀出版社耗時數月對《最後的秘密》一書中披露的文件來源做了考證和說明, 表示本書中的文件由27份文本組成,共209頁,全部來自「六四」天安門事件之後兩次中共高層會議,即北京市委第六屆全體擴大會議和中共十三屆四中全會。但從文件編號缺失5份可看出,本書涵蓋文件並非十三屆四中全會文件的全部。目前估計,缺少中共政治局常委喬石、田紀雲和姚依林的講話。

出版人鮑樸對BBC中文說:「稿件接收時中間人和最終來源為了安全,保密身份,因此來源不能作為出版的條件。是否決定出版最重要的是看稿件的內容,材料必須經過考證和認證,確認文件的真實性。」

出版社稱除了對原始圖像做了少許技術處理,「沒有對文本進行任何選擇、刪除或更改」。身份未知的中間人向出版社的編輯提供了USB數字存儲裝置,原始文件中文字的缺陷沒有加以修復,但出版社編輯發現,這些文件已經做了一些數字處理,比如刪去了文件的編號和絶密標記。

據了解,文件被中共黨內姓名不詳的某高級官員複製並保存了多年,所有文件通過中介人提供,「沒有附加或口頭傳達任何解釋或說明」。

但BBC中文無法獨立對文件進行核實。

此書的重要意義在於可為之前面世的自傳文獻和其他官方文本,形成相互佐證,揭示在中共如何克服黨章程序上的限制,強行罷免趙紫陽,合法化武力鎮壓學生運動,並在開槍後統一思想,為接下來中共的權力體系布局。

本書也成為《改革歷程》和《李鵬六四日記》之後,民間獲得的解讀中共權力幕後高層運作的又一重要歷史文獻。

陳雲講話

高官發言:「國內外敵人——該殺的殺,該判刑的判刑」

引人注目的是,在黨內資歷高於鄧小平的元老陳雲未出席會議,以書面的形式提交兩句話:「一、趙紫陽同志辜負了黨對他的期望。二、我同意中央對趙紫陽同志的處理」。陳雲並未明確表示支持鄧小平使用軍隊鎮壓的決定。

87歲的退休元帥徐向前說,學運的根本目的是「妄圖推翻中國共產黨的領導,顛覆社會主義的中華人民共和國,建立一個反共反社會主義的、完全附庸於西方大國的資產階級共和國」。

對於如何處理「敵人」,81歲的前軍人和國家副主席王震言辭最為激烈,如果「鎮壓反革命暴亂就此完結,我很不贊成」。似乎沒說過癮,王震又提交了一份書面講話(王震是唯一有兩份發言稿的人),細數具體措施:「該殺的殺,該判刑的判刑,勞改、勞教一大批……戴了帽子的,勞改勞教的,一律吊銷城鎮戶口,送到偏遠地區,強制勞動。」

王震強調,「這次我們的方針是,一個不放過,一個不擴大。否則,不足以顯示人民民主專政的威力。」

王震將趙紫陽重用或支持的改革派稱為「像(注:原文)林彪那樣的大小艦隊」。他說這些人「控制一大批輿論工具,到處搞政治性沙龍、演講和集會,甚至鑽進黨和國家的核心部門,佔居重要崗位」。

王震用語強硬,接連兩個四字詞語和一連串並列短語描述他認為的嚴峻形勢:「(他們)上下勾連,內外串通,長期以來進行思想的、輿論的、組織的凖備和精心策劃……發動利用社會上的流氓政治團伙和地主官僚、封建軍閥反動階級殘餘及社會渣滓,企圖以動亂直至暴亂,達到推翻中國共產黨(的目的)。」

針對「國外敵人」,宋平說:「美國多方插手,『美國之音』每天造謠、煽動,唯恐中國不亂。」王震逐個列出了他所認為的海外勢力如何影響學運:金錢收買、思想文化滲透、派遣特務、盜竊情報、製造謠言、挑起動亂、扶植內部敵對勢力等,「除了直接出兵,什麼都用上了」。

被鄧小平臨時授命,取代趙紫陽的江澤民, 以總書記的身份發言,借著對其上任起關鍵作用的《世界經濟導報》事件,指責趙紫陽「採取資產階級政客的態度」。

江澤民含糊了鄧小平和保守派之間的分歧,向鄧效忠,為自己在黨內權力之路獲得平衡。 他的講話文件中表示,「鄧小平同志等老一代革命家健在,一般的工作,我們絶不打擾他們, 但是遇到重大問題,我們還是可以隨時向小平同志請教,聽取其他老一輩革命家的意見」。

趙紫陽
圖像加註文字,實質上已被軟禁的趙紫陽參加了政治局擴大會議,但沒有被安排發言(趙紫陽資料照片)。

實質上已被軟禁的趙紫陽參加了政治局擴大會議,但沒有被安排發言。兩天的會議時間,主要請所有參加會議的黨內元老和中共最高官員逐一發言,表態批判。 鄧小平只在第二天出席。 

據趙紫陽在其《改革歷程》一書中記錄,他堅持在最後進行自辯發言,發言時,與會者「面部緊張,急躁不安」。

正式表決時,據趙回憶,鄧小平說,「到會的人,不管是不是政治局成員,都有權參加表決」。 黨內元老李先念接著說,「這是李鵬給大家的權利(因為李鵬是會議主持人)」。

在趙紫陽看來,這些十分「滑稽」的程序卻意在「以勢壓人」。除趙之外,全體舉手贊成。這場看似合法,但實際無視《黨章》的會議,試圖使中共鎮壓八九學運合法化。

。

被迫認錯:「輿論失控」因趙而起

《最後的秘密》涵蓋的機密文件還包括因反對鎮壓而遭到撤職的政治局常委胡啟立,以及主管宣傳的芮杏文和統戰部部長閻明復。他們承認,在危機時執行了趙紫陽的指示。這暴露出黨內80年代對新聞與文藝自由的不同路線。但不少「六四」研究者認為,他們的認錯是迫不得已。

閻明復在講話中說,自己在「八九」學運期間經歷了從「比較清醒」到「嚴重模糊、矛盾重重」的過程。但5月19日戒嚴大會後,聽了彭真、楊尚昆、李鵬、喬石的談話,「特別是聽了傳達小平同志重要講話,才又重新有了比較清醒認識」。

「八九」學運期間,5月20日北京戒嚴前,中國的新聞工作者爭取到了極為短暫的新聞自由。在刊發黨內宣傳講話的間隙,得以客觀、公正地報道學運。

胡啟立的講話為此提供了事實依據。他說,「十二日,我按照紫陽同志的批示,向首都各大新聞單位主編傳達了他的講話」。他被迫承認,這次傳達是「向新聞界燒了一把火」,令「錯誤的輿論導向」出現。

芮杏文也表示,他向首都新聞單位負責人傳達了趙紫陽的批示,因而「給新聞單位負責人鬆了綁,使新聞宣傳決了口,輿論失控越來越嚴重,直至完全失控」。

文藝思想上,芮杏文提到趙紫陽與鄧小平的不同政策。他說,鄧小平的出發點是,「黨對文藝工作要按照文藝創作規律來管,不要亂管,不要亂干涉」。而趙紫陽則認為「少管、不管」。

揭秘的意義

基於此套機密文件和其他資料,對本書做了深入史料考證的「六四」親歷者和旅美作家吳禹論接受BBC獨家採訪時說:「新書完整呈現了一套罕見的歷史資料,揭示了中共高層運作機制。在危機時刻,正是這種機制,完全無視任何事實、意識形態、一切法律或規章制度, 而確保獨一無二的最高領袖掌握權力。這是中共執政的法寶。」

另一位為此書做了導言的美國政治學者黎安友評價:「本書所刊登的文件闡述了中共官方對鄧小平10年改革,1989年危機以及之後黨的方針的看法。 這一立場在其後三十年基本上保持不變, 並是現今習近平領導的共產黨的指導思想。」

「這些黨內學習材料對了解和研究中國黨內高層政治規則,1980年代高層嚴重政策分歧導致幾近崩潰的困境、以及今天仍然面臨的問題,提供了十分難得的機會。這些文件也為了解習近平治下當今共產黨領導心態提供了獨特的視角」。

巴拿马文件:中共资金是如何逃到海外?

PostBy: 殷楚楚-chuchu yin

在香港银行大楼的背景下,有一排排的兑换外币的店铺,进行着快速和匿名的一些交易。

这个景象的背后,是数额更大的资金以史无前例的速度在转移。内地的财富经过香港或海外的外汇交易商外流。去年,有大约一万亿美元资金从中国外流,令外汇储备缩水。

这一变化可能会动摇中国的整体经济。

莫萨克·冯赛卡(Mossack Fonseca)泄露出来的文件,让我们了解到中国领导人的家人如何把钱转到海外。

至少7名现任和前任领导人与这家巴拿马公司所设立的离岸公司有牵连,包括中国国家主席习近平和另两名领导人。

这项丑闻涉及的中国现任及前任领导人家族成员:

现任领导人:

  • 习近平(中国国家主席)——姐夫邓家贵是两家离岸公司的董事及股东。
  • 刘云山(中共中央政治局常委)——儿媳妇贾丽青是一家离岸公司的董事和股东。
  • 张高丽(中共中央政治局常委)——女婿李圣泼是3家离岸公司的股东。

前任领导人:

  • 李鹏(国务院总理:1987年至1998年)——女儿李小琳是一家离岸公司的董事和股东。
  • 贾庆林(中国政协主席:2002年至2012年)——外孙女李紫丹拥有一家离岸公司。
  • 曾庆红(国家副主席:2002年至2007年)——胞弟曾庆淮是一家离岸公司的董事。
  • 胡耀邦(党总书记:1982年至1987年)——三儿子胡德华是一家离岸公司的董事和股东。

这些名字此前在与离岸银行相关的报道中出现。但是,新文件泄露的时机对中国领导人来说比较棘手。

拥有离岸公司在中国并不违法,但这些隐秘金融机构的存在给中国领导人的家庭提出了各种疑问。

根据党章,中国共产党的官员应该“廉洁”,不能从以权谋私,他们的家属也不能从与高层的关系中获利。

香港城市大学政治评论员林和立说,习近平把自己塑造成“一个在道德和廉洁上纯粹的人”。

他说,在海外帐户上存放着大量的资金“明显与习近平的要求和共产党的传统相悖”。

“至于高官子女是否非法取得财富,这很难说,毕竟中国司法体系太隐晦。”

莫萨克·冯赛卡公司帮助习近平的姐夫邓家贵在英属维尔京群岛上设立了三家离岸公司。(资料图片)
图像加注文字,莫萨克·冯赛卡公司帮助习近平的姐夫邓家贵在英属维尔京群岛上设立了三家离岸公司。(资料图片)

资本逃逸

巴拿马文件透露了更多的关于中国权贵阶层海外资金状况。大批的电子邮件显示,莫萨克·冯赛卡(Mossack Fonseca)公司没有按照国际法的要求,在没有做背景调查的情况下,长期帮助一些有政治关系的客户成为离岸公司的股东。

比如,莫萨克·冯赛卡帮助习近平的姐夫邓家贵在英属维尔京群岛上设立了三家离岸公司。

但是,莫萨克·冯赛卡在2004年和2009年帮助邓家贵购买公司的时候,并没有调查邓与中共高层的关联。

尚不清楚这三家公司是被用来做什么的,尽管其中一家已解散,另两家在习近平2012年担任中共中央总书记后成为休眠公司。

这其中的讽刺意味很明显:自从习近平上台后,他在党内展开了密集的反腐运动,仅2015年,就有超过30万官员因违反反腐条例被惩处。

在莫萨克·冯赛卡发生的事情也在别的地方被复制。富有的中国人利用香港作为跳板,将资金挪到海外,以便保护他们的财产。

在香港的独立中国分析员安德鲁·科利尔(Andrew Collier)说:“把钱放在中国通常有两点担心。第一,中国经济放缓;第二,中国领导层试图清理腐败,有些人担心钱放在中国不安全,因此要把资金挪到海外。”

香港成为中国封堵资金外流的焦点。上月,中国反贪官员表示,外流的资金大多途经香港,并表示要阻止这一势头,尽管这可能很难做到。

“出现恐慌”

尽管中国的银行加强管控,去年大约有6.5亿美元的资金离开中国。中国公民每年只能五万美元的外汇额度,超过这个限额的资金转移就是违法。有些人利用复杂的转帐来将资金转移出境。

一名非法外汇交易员告诉我们,他是如何通过在中国、香港、越南和菲律宾的大批“僵尸”账户将资金秘密转到海外。

他利用那些已去世的人的名下账户,来确保无法追查到他自己。

他笑着说:“我将客户的钱存到某个国家的某个账户,然后兑换后将钱存到另一个国家的另一个帐户。”

但是,他不再接受那些试图把人民币从中国转移到海外的生意了。

他皱着眉头说:“我已经有了太多的人民币。”

如果中国对他这样的人采取打压,更严格地执法会怎么样呢?

他说:“恐慌,那就会有恐慌。”

北京国际机场。(资料图片)
图像加注文字,北京国际机场。(资料图片)

钱骡

资本流动的背后是焦虑。

林和立说:“人们对金融和经济决策团队的能力没有信心。如果他们有一、两百万美元,不在海外存放一半的资金那就是愚蠢的,因为他们对党的未来没有什么信心。”

那些无法得到大牌外汇交易员服务的人,就依靠“钱骡”来帮助他们把钱弄到海外。我们见到了一名钱骡,他告诉我们他业务繁忙,帮助焦虑的客户把钱挪到海外。

“如果我的客户想移民,或者在境外投资,他们就需要我的帮助。”

“有时我把现金绑在身上,或者装进一个小袋子里。海关人员经常针对行李很多的人、或看上去紧张的人来检查,所以我就尽量保持镇静。”

中国最富裕的人把钱转移到海外有何影响呢?

钱一旦离开的中国,就必须有一个去向。

大量资金外流推高了全球的房价。根据从事华人海外购房生意的居外海外房产网(juwai.com)介绍,中国买家去年花费520亿美元购买境外房产。

在香港,来自内地的中国人挥重金购买高端房产。这在其它地方也是如此——中国最富裕的人在各地存放和消费他们资金,也许包括最高层的人。

他们试图保护自己,但这让中国变得更脆弱。