邹幸彤六四煽惑案自辩演说:“做一个香港人想做的事,我无怨无悔”

前支联会副主席邹幸彤被指于今年六四,在网上宣传及呼吁他人参与六四集会,她早前否认一项煽惑他人参与未经批准集结罪,案件今( 25 日)在西九龙裁判法院续审。本身是大律师的邹幸彤没有律师代表,今日在庭上自辩。她提到自己面对的所有案件,都与支联会、六四有关。而这些控罪横陈叠加,反映政权正一步一步打压、消灭六四记忆。

以下为邹幸彤庭上自辩演说的全文,由《立场》记者笔录及誊写;篇幅所限,邹幸彤、裁判官与控方律师的部分对答经删节。

彤:被告 邹幸彤
官:裁判官 陈慧敏

(邹幸彤走上证人区,宣誓)

彤:本人是本案唯一被告人,本人被控煽惑一个没发生过的集结。本人是一位大律师,自 2015 年底出任支联会副主席。直到支联会在 9 月 25 日宣布解散位置。(法官要求她放慢说话速度)

我是没有案底,但被控煽动颠覆国家政权罪,以及未有按通知提交资料,而被还押中。我同时因为去年六四烛光悼念,被控煽惑以及未经批准参与集结,11 月开审,在区域法院。

从刚才自我介绍,法庭不难看到,我所有法律麻烦,都是同支联会、六四相关。而这个控罪的横陈叠加,好形象的反映,政权是怎样一步步打压、消灭六四的记忆。

(官:等一下)

而这个大背景,是我为何要写本案中两篇文章的原因。

官:包括 Facebook、Twitter、明报等三份?

彤:是同一篇文章。要正确理解文章意思、意图,另一议题:政权行动背后有否不当的政治目的,是必须理解文章出现的前因后果,而不是只看字面意思。

支联会其实成立于八九民运期间,承载当年百万港人对于民主中国的期许,当年这场和平民主运动被血腥镇压后,支联会用每年六四维园的烛光,用我们的五大纲领,释放民运人士、平反八九民运(官:你等等下),追究屠城责任、结束一党专政、建设民主中国,去传承八九民运的精神,同埋希望为死难者讨回一个公道。

32 年来,六四维园见,是无数香港人每年最重要的约定之一,甚至可以说是香港每年最标志性的活动,系香港人良知的象征。我们用维园的烛光,用令世人惊讶的毅力,守护住六四的真相,起码在香港,一讲起八九六四,大家会知道,军队入城时候的乱枪扫射,会知道被坦克车辗断双腿的方政,知道那位躺在板车上流血的九岁小学生,知道当年在天安门广场上和平绝食的大学生们,知道当年这场运动是如何得到全国上下以及党政机关的支持,亦都会知道王丹、吾尔开希这些名字。知道那位只身走上长安大街挡住坦克的坦克人,以及悼念孩子都有重重困难的天安门母亲。

但这些知识不是必然,因为政权一直用他的权力、法律、宣传机器去抹杀、改写这段历史。所以在国内网络上,六四是打不出来的敏感词。每年到了六四日子附近,天安门母亲、民间行动者都会被严格控制,甚至预防性拘捕。几年前,有记者去北京,走访大学生,拿著坦克人的相,冇人知道发生咩事。

2014 年,浦志强律师以及朋友办六四研讨会被捕。2015 年⋯⋯(被裁判官打断)

官:被告人,其实本案是关于煽惑参与明知未经批准集会。

彤:我想法庭都留意到,检控背后的目的、相称性,都是有关连的。

官:请你继续。

彤:(笑)我刚才说到哪。刚才,2015 年,陈云飞帮两位六四死难学生扫墓,被告寻衅滋事,判 4 年。2016 年,陈兵、符海陆,做了一支八九六四的酒,夸张到被人说是煽动颠覆国家,困了三年,才给其中三人缓刑。还有六四祈祷会的王牧师、举一张纸牌的张五舟,全部都是被捕、被判刑。

我这里有支联会 2015 年的声明,关于刚才“八九六四酒”的,想呈上法庭。(自己笑)

正正是因为政权的种种打压,八九在香港知道,但在深圳河对面就是“反革命暴乱”,军队入城是平暴,不是屠杀,甚至澳门的终审法庭都可以完全接受中共的定性,说这场运动是“反革命暴乱”,说数以千计的平民学生被屠杀是有悖事实的虚假宣传。这样的黑白颠倒没发生在香港,好大程度是因为有维园的烛光,但其实政权唔系唔想消灭在香港的六四记忆,唔系唔想消灭维园烛光以及支联会,只是在今年之前,她都未能得逞罢了。

支联会在创立之初已经被中共定性为一个颠覆的组织,当年中英双方人马,许家屯、李鹏飞都劝司徒华解散支联会,未能得逞。去到回归,首任特首董建华先生都是劝华叔,不要再搞六四悼念,都是未能成功。软的不行,就来硬的。2010 年,支联会在时代广场展示民主女神像,被没收、多人被捕。2014 年,第一所六四纪念馆,被亲中法团滋扰、逼迁。2019 年,我们再次置办六四纪念馆,装修期间已经被滋扰。

到了旧年,疫情给了政府借口,禁止所有公共表达。六四游行、集会第一次被禁止。但不少市民仍然去维园、全香港各地,点起烛光。当局高调检控大批在维园的市民以及支联会常委。到国安法通过后,建制中人不断放风,说支联会违反国安法,说背景要取缔支联会,恐吓市民不要再参与支联会活动。

我们搞了三十一年的维园年宵摊档,今年第一次被食环署无理取消租约。我们六四纪念馆被迫关闭。同一时间,港台六四节目被抽起,甚至只是在节目最后播一段六四长跑片段,都要被严厉谴责。以六四为主题的街站、电影放映会,被滋扰、中断。学校更是重灾区,教科书上面,关于六四的内容被删走、淡化,唔会再提军队屠杀平民。学校老师越来越不敢请支联会同同学讲六四发生什么,今年没有人再请我哋去了。也没有学生来六四纪念馆参观。

其实六四记忆这样被打压,就快要断了。不出意料,今年六四游行、烛光纪念集会再次被警方禁止。而之后的发展,大家都看得好清楚,六四当日,数千警力,围封维园,终于成功令六四烛光在今年断绝,在维园不再燃起。但这样都不够,在 8 月底,当局动用(编按:国安法)43 条,以老屈支联会是外国代理人的手段,索取大量资料,迫使我们关闭网站、社媒平台,令大量六四史料瞬间消失。当我们常委据理力争,我们全部被检控、还押,甚至连支联会本身这间公司都被告煽动颠覆国家政权。

在所有常委在囚之际,当局仍要穷追猛打,威胁取消公司注册。我们成员在 9 月 25 日议决解散支联会,令到这个 32 年的组织画上句号。但其实解散完,已经立即宣布要查封所有财产,所以我们现在连律师费都付不起。

这些事情发生的同时,是针对成个反对派、公民社会的扫荡,大批民主派领袖被捕入狱,连参与选举都成为罪名。大量民选议员被迫辞职、被 DQ,无数民间组织、工会,甚至学生组织都被解散,新闻媒体被关闭,苹果日报执笠,言论创作自由受到严重打击,连长跑都不可以讲香港加油。

(控方指被告控罪之后发生的事情应该无关案情,讨论在此略去)

彤:法庭是不可以单独看警方禁止六四烛光集会,不是单独的决定来的,是摆在整个社会脉络,所有迹象都显示政府其实在做什么。那个结果早已写在墙上,政权要消灭所有反对声音,而六四烛光集会是它必须要盖熄的一个行动。疫情、公安条例,不过是方便的借口。其后发生的事情,不到三个月就对支联会拉人封艇,正证实了我当时的判断。

我们见到的是,支联会一方,我们早早入纸通知警方,我们要搞游行集会,我们表示会遵从所有社交距离的规定,我们愿意与任何部门商讨,如何兼顾防疫情况下,令六四悼念仍可进行。但警方反应,一个月都不理你,随随便便同你开会,不会给出任何方案让你进行集会,而明明我们见到的是,同一时间,林郑宣布第四波疫情已经完结,香港人已经班照上,地铁照逼,所有这些活动,人的挤迫程度,都会比一个六四烛光晚会有过之无不及。我自己每天返工逼地铁都知道。

明明我们见到,世界各地都有可以兼顾防疫以及示威集会权的方法,唯独香港一刀切,所有反对派的集会都不给进行。明明知道法律上政府有积极责任促使集会进行,但警方永远将个波推给民间团体,就只有“集会自由不是绝对”,完。明明我们见到公安条例根本没有赋权警务处处长用公共卫生理由,但疫情一到,警务处处长就可以自我扩权,而没人能制衡他。明明就算他禁止支联会集会,但政府可以讲到所有六四悼念都会犯法,着黑衣都可以被捕,可以将禁止无限扩大。

面对警方这样滥权,面对政府步步进逼消灭六四记忆,我们若不作出任何反抗,就是默许真相被掩埋,死难者沉冤莫白。我自己作为支联会副主席,当主席李卓人、何俊仁在囚,是更有责任在今年延续推动六四悼念活动。

但即使我们认为警方的禁止是违宪,支联会作为一个组织,是不可能冒著被检控的风险,去彰显我们权利。所以我们公开宣布,支联会不会在今年举办维园烛光集会。而这个也是第一篇 FB 文章出现的原因,我表示非常遗憾,非常对不起香港人,做不到这件事。(邹有一刻哽咽)

唯一方法,就是用个人行动,去延续、扩散本来应该在维园的烛光。所以,我在那段时间,不停写文章,做访问,摆街站,去叫大家记住,呼吁大家继续用行动悼念六四,呼吁大家克服恐惧,不要因为权力无理的恐吓,就连我们自己基本的言论、行动自由,都不去做,不要被白色恐惧瘫痪我们的行动能力。

阁下,我有一些当时的访问、街站的记录。我想让阁下见到我对公众作出的呼吁,是什么内容。

我在这段时间对公众做的呼吁,就是叫大家六月四日八点钟,点起烛光,无论你身在何处,无论你可以去到哪里,遍地开花。而这个模式,其实是自上年六四维园烛光集会第一次被禁,发展出来的,是一个不用集会形式,都可以表达集体力量的方式。作为一场群众运动,我们必须给到一个相对安全参与的方式比大家,才有可能动员最多人参与其中。而遍地开花正正这样一个平衡之下的方法。畀到每个人因应自己风险承受能力,因应自己可以去的地方,选择一个地点做行动。但作为一个共同的行动,一个政治的表达,最低限度的要求,是这件事要在一个公开的地方去做,而不是说我自己藏起来,做给自己看。

如果法庭话一个没指定地点的行动呼吁,都是煽惑紧一个未经批准集结,我都好疑惑,这个集结是说在哪里的集结,是否这个集结是在全香港、或者全世界?是否任何人在那个时间点举起烛光,就是参与一个未经批准的集结?如果这样讲,不如直接承认,要禁止的,就是六四的悼念本身。

但当然,虽然这个六四点烛光行动,没有指定地点,但最有象征意义的,亦都最大风险的地方,一定是维园。但因应政府摆出来的态度,警方各种放风、威胁,维园确实不会是好多人愿意、或者有能力今年再去到做这件事的地方。但无疑是最多人仍想见到有烛光亮起的地方。因为维园烛光象征一种承诺、一种坚持,一种坚守良知的勇气。而最责无旁贷,应该去维园做这件事的,无疑是在维园举办了三十年烛光晚会的我们。

在法律上,我看不到我一个人点烛光走进维园,可以犯什么法;即使我公开讲我会做这件事,是否现在法律不给我公开讲我会做一件合法的事?是否只要有人通知了警方集会而被禁止,警方就有权将一个地方完全封闭,禁止所有人就相关议题作出表达?将维园锁到铜墙铁壁,真是同防疫有关系的?(庭内公众鼓掌)

但法律分析是一回事,实际风险是另一回事,这确是香港的现实,如果不是我也不会在此。我自己觉得愿意承担风险,但不可能有好多人愿意同我做这件事,所有讨论、气氛,好清楚告诉我,好似往年那种大规模的集会,今年不可能出现的。

去到六四那天,如果有十几二十几人愿意和我试下入维园,更大可能是小猫三四只,甚至可能只得我一个。

但是即使只有我一个的话,我都要去做这件事。因为维园的烛光,经过三十二年的沉淀,已经是这个国家上最重要的反对专政的象征。我们可以守住它多一年,香港的自由、六四的真相,就多一分保障。即使是去到维园的人不多,只要有,我们都可以说维园的烛光没有死。当大规模的集体行动变得不可能,起码,我们都还可以用个人力量,做最有象征意义的行动,将每个行动的政治能量,放到最大。正如当年的坦克人,他不是因为见到后面有成千上万人跟着他,他才去挡住塔克,而是即使他孤身一人,他都必须去做这件事,因为这是正确的事。

而如果我们自问是传承紧八九的精神和坚持,我们就要有这种不论人多人少,不论高潮低潮,都坚持下去的决心。我们当然不会否定,我是好想好想见到维园依然烛光如海的画面。但同时我对时势都有好清醒的判断。若然到了当日,维园真的只剩下几点烛光,甚至被当局成功,(令)完全没有烛光亮起,我就更加需要向公众解释,这几点烛光的意义,三十二年来维园烛光的意义,和当局为什么下这么大决心要禁绝维园烛光。这些话,今年不去讲,好可能之后都不会有机会去讲,而其后的发展也证实了这一点。

所以会有明报的那一篇文章,匆忙一晚写成不成熟的文字,但当局就如获至宝,觉得可以文字狱,甚至抄足国内六四手段,做预防性拘捕,六四一早就将我抓捕,困足 36 小时,让我无法作出任何行动。再之后,对支联会所有行动,更加上纲上线,讲到我们 32 年活动是颠覆国家,是受国外势力指使。

但驱使香港人 32 年悼念六四,不是任何人煽惑,而是每一个人的良知。话我的两篇文章是煽惑大家,是抬举了我,也是贬低了香港人。我们见到即使维园封禁,去到西贡、屯门,都有人亮起烛光、灯光,不需要什么人召集。这个就是香港人的如水,香港人的坚持。

其实八九的时候,我都只有四岁。好多人疑惑,为何我如此执着这件事。是香港人,是三十几年,每一个在维园点起烛光、普普通通而又善良的香港人,教会我什么叫择善固执。我所做的,只是传承、发出这些普通人的声音,做一个普通香港人在这个时间想做的所有事情,不让政权垄断真相。

如果法庭要用煽惑的字眼,不如说,是香港人煽惑了我按良知做这件事。若要因此受刑,我亦无怨无悔。

以上是我的口供。

(掌声雷动)
(休庭)

众人鼓掌不断:六四无罪!香港加油!

香港大陆出逃者 洛城中领馆前贺双十国庆

香港大陆出逃者 洛城中领馆前贺双十国庆

来自香港与大陆的数十名逃亡者在洛杉矶中领馆前庆祝台湾双十国庆,打出横幅“中华民国才是真正的中国”。

【大纪元2021年10月11日讯】(大纪元记者徐绣惠洛杉矶报导)10月10日(周日)下午2点,来自香港与中国大陆的数十名逃亡者聚集在洛杉矶中领馆前庆祝台湾双十国庆,他们高举青天白日满地红国旗,齐唱《中华民国国歌》、《中华民国国旗歌》和《愿荣光归香港》。

数十名来自香港与大陆的逃亡者前往洛杉矶中领馆庆祝台湾双十国庆。(Wesley Ho提供)
10月10日,香港逃亡者举着中华民国国旗赴洛杉矶中领馆前抗议。(Wesley Ho提供)

香港屯门的中山公园内有一级历史古迹青山“红楼”,相传该地是国父孙中山先生与革命志士聚会处,所以往年每到双十节,“红楼”周边就会挂上“青天白日满地红”的中华民国国旗,以此纪念辛亥革命。但是,现在的香港政府却严令禁止庆祝双十节,也不准悬挂中华民国国旗。

如今在香港连纪念双十节也会触法,让周日活动联系人之一Wesley Ho感慨。Ho是香港“反送中”运动中的前线青年,为躲避“国安法”迫害而逃亡美国

近日,香港保安局局长邓炳强以“国安法”为由,阻止香港人庆祝双十国庆。“这真的非常荒谬,我们越是被打压,越是要发声,虽然现在香港人不能庆祝双十国庆,但海外港人会站出来。”Ho说。

中华民国总统蔡英文发表国庆演说时,强调“坚持主权不容侵犯并吞”,台湾在疫情期间全民团结展现韧性。面对近日中共军机不段跨过防线骚扰,蔡英文呼吁朝野凝聚共识,守住主权,守住民主自由的生活方式。对此,Ho表示:“中国的正统是中华民国,她是自由、民主的国家,有自己的军队、有自己的宪法;香港人支持自由民主普世价值,所以我们庆祝台湾国庆日,支持台湾。”

来自大陆的王先生说:“愿台湾永远民主自由。”他表示,无论出生在大陆、香港、台湾或其它地区的华人,只要真正拥抱民主、自由,都应支持台湾、光复中华,反抗中共极权及其妄图扩张的军事威胁与意识形态渗透。

香港示威再起 要求政府回应五大诉求

PostBy: 殷楚楚-chuchu yin

本周六,香港教育专业人员协会组织了一场教育界大游行,要求特区政府立即回应“反送中”运动中示威者的五大诉求。而在红磡地区,游行组织方则提出了“不受伤、不流血、不被捕”。游行活动结束后,部分示威者在旺角地区与警方发生对峙。

(德国之声中文网) 游行队伍周六上午(8月17日)从遮打花园出发,前往礼宾府。据组织方的统计,大约有2.2万人参加了游行。而德新社现场记者则估算大约有数千人参加。大多数游行教师都着黑衣、系白丝带,手执”守护良知”等标语。

教育专业人员协会副会长、立法会教育界功能组别议员、泛民派人士叶建源在示威现场发表讲话指出,教师应当要表达良知、关心下一代。他谴责警方暴力对待年轻人,并质疑港府”凭什么说不调查就不调查,追寻公义难道成为了禁忌?”

教育界游行,主打“良知”议题

大会宣言则指出,教师教育下一代,不求学生飞黄腾达,只求学生紧守良知;而学生以自己前途守护城市前途的现状,则令广大教师十分心痛。

周六晚些时候,红磡地区也开始了一场示威活动。这场主题为”光复红土、还我静土”的游行,一度收到了警方”反对通知书”,不过在周五深夜成功上诉,特区高等法院批准了组织者修改后的新路线。法院同时提出,游行需符合一定条件,其中包括现场需要100名纠察人员维护示威秩序;并且游行抵达终点后,组织方必须呼吁参与者不应参加违法行为、并立刻离开。

据《明报》报道,在红磡游行开始前,申请人李轩朗表示,游行的主要目的是表达对该地区内地旅客和旅游者过多的问题,但是也不会忽略”反送中运动”的”五大诉求”。至于集会后是否会有示威者参与”其他活动”,李轩朗”不作评论”,只是表示会在抵达终点后呼吁大家离开。他希望香港人一定要安全,”不受伤、不流血、不被捕”。

教师游行队伍冒雨前行

在游行现场,纠察人员呼吁游行人士一旦见到”可疑人士”应报警。

下午17点30分许,游行队伍抵达黄埔站附近的终点后,组织方播放广播,呼吁游行人士“守法离开”。不过同时,也有人在终点附近派发口罩、手套等物资;还有人在太子道西搬动路障。

随后,部分示威者前往旺角警署方向,遭到防暴警察举蓝旗警告。

到了晚上21时许,各处的示威者大多已经散去。警方在周六并无动用催泪弹,但是射出了一发布袋弹。

本周日,香港预计还会有更大规模的示威活动。

港人去内地手机遭检查

同一天,泛民派议员郭家麒召开发布会,披露近期有多名香港市民在前往内地时被内地边境管理人员要求搜查个人物品,甚至还出现检查手机的情况。郭家麒说,内地边检要求删除与”反送中示威”相关的内容,有些香港市民甚至还因此被记录个人资料、禁止入境。

郭家麒透露,香港市民遭遇搜查个人物品的过境口岸包括深圳湾、皇岗、西九龙高铁站等,因此这是内地”有计划、有目的地针对香港人的措施”。他认为,查看手机、要求删除照片、记录个人资料是制造白色恐怖、违反中国《宪法》的行径。他要求香港特区政府履行保障港人隐私与安全的职责,向内地相关部门跟进事件、了解收集资料之用途。

中国《宪法》只是笼统地规定了”国家尊重和保障人权”、”禁止非法搜查公民的身体”。而在”通信自由”之宪法条款中,则规定了”除因国家安全或者追查刑事犯罪的需要……任何组织或者个人不得以任何理由侵犯公民的通信自由和通信秘密”。

而根据中国《出境入境管理法》,边防机关可以根据维护国家安全的需要对出入境人员携带的物品实施边防检查。中国《反恐怖主义法》则规定,火车站、机场等交通枢纽以及边境口岸的工作人员可以对人员及物品进行”安全检查”,发现违禁品应”予以扣留并立即向公安机关报告”。

就在本周早些时候,中国国务院港澳办语气强硬地指出,香港当前已经出现了”恐怖主义苗头”。

Hong Kong protesters seize government headquarters, clash with police

PostBy: 殷楚楚-chuchu yin

Hong Kong — Hundreds of protesters in Hong Kong swarmed into the legislature’s main building Monday night, tearing down portraits of legislative leaders and spray-painting pro-democracy slogans on the walls of the main chamber. Frustration was mounting over a lack of response from the administration to opposition demands.

Police carrying riot shields and firing tear gas moved in shortly after midnight to clear surrounding streets but appeared to have paused outside the legislative building. A spokesman had earlier broadcast a warning that “appropriate force” would be used in the clearance operation, but there was no immediate word on any arrests or injuries.

Video and images showed police advancing toward the legislature and firing tear gas at protesters near the government headquarters. The crackdown began around midnight.  

HONG KONG-CHINA-POLITICS
Police fire tear gas at protesters near the government headquarters in Hong Kong on July 2, 2019, on the 22nd anniversary of the city’s handover from Britain to China.

The flashing blue and red lights of dozens of police vans and buses lit up the abandoned streets leading to the legislature.

The sharp escalation in tactics came on the anniversary of the former British colony’s return to China, a city holiday, and reflected mounting frustration with Hong Kong’s leader for not responding to protesters’ demands after several weeks of demonstrations.

The protesters whacked away at thick glass windows until they shattered and broke and pried open steel security gates and propped them open with barricades to get inside. Police in riot gear retreated as the protesters entered about 9 p.m., avoiding a confrontation and giving them the run of the building.

hong-kong-1.jpg
A shot inside the Legislature Building in Hong Kong during the protest on July 1, 2019. 

CBS News producer Chris Laible said the demonstrators, mostly young people, earlier erected barricades at building exits where they thought police would come out. They propped doors and gates to the building open with any metal objects they could find, and used umbrellas to try to block the view of police inside the building.  Police shot pepper spray through a hole in the door of the building made by the protesters, which drove them back for a while. But hours later angry demonstrators swarmed into the legislature after prying open metal security curtains. Police appeared to back off as the protesters came in, apparently to avoid a confrontation.

WATCH: @CBSNews was inside Hong Kong’s Legislative Council. See what we saw here. We followed angry protestors who stormed the building. We were told police were coming to take it back. HK’s pan-Democrat’s have called on the city’s leader Carrie Lam to resign. #HongKongProtests pic.twitter.com/FTnJsLno1T— Ramy Inocencio 英若明 (@RamyInocencio) July 1, 2019

The demonstrators stood on lawmakers’ desks in the main legislative chamber, painted over the territory’s emblem high up on a wooden wall and wrote slogans calling for a democratic election of the city’s leader and denouncing now-suspended extradition legislation that sparked the protests. Many wore yellow and white helmets, face masks and the black T-shirts that have become their uniform. Police announced about 10:30 p.m. that they would clear the area, asking protesters to leave.

The actions prompted organizers of a separate peaceful march against the extradition bill to change the endpoint of their protest from the legislature to a nearby park, after police asked them to either call it off or change the route. Police wanted the march to end earlier in the Wan Chai district, but organizers said that would leave out many people who planned to join the march along the way.

Police estimated 190,000 people joined the peaceful march, the third major one in as many weeks. Organizers estimated the number at 550,000.

Anti-Extradition Protesters Rally In Hong Kong
Anti-extradition protesters use makeshift shields to defend themselves during a clash with police outside the Legislative Council Complex ahead of the annual flag raising ceremony of 22nd anniversary of the city’s handover from Britain to China on July 1, 2019 in Hong Kong, China.GETTY

Hong Kong has been wracked by weeks of protests over a government attempt to change extradition laws to allow suspects to be sent to China to face trial. The proposed legislation, on which debate has been suspended indefinitely, increased fears of eroding freedoms in the territory, which Britain returned to China on July 1, 1997.

CBS News correspondent Ramy Inocencio reported from the melee that both the combative protesters and the much larger group marching through Hong Kong’s streets — said by organizers to be about 550,000-strong — were venting anger at the city’s leader, Carrie Lam, and by extension her superiors in Beijing. Lam backed controversial changes to Hong Kong’s extradition law that would let China transfer anyone accused of a crime in Hong Kong into the mainland’s opaque court system. 

hong-kong-2.jpg
A shot inside the Legislature Building in Hong Kong during the protest on July 1, 2019. RAMY INOCENCIO CBS NEWS

Mounting frustration

The annual march was larger this year because of the simmering anger over the proposed extradition bill. Two marches in June against the legislation drew more than a million people, according to organizer estimates.

The government has suspended debate on the bill indefinitely, but protest leaders want it formally withdrawn and for Lam to resign. They also are demanding an independent inquiry into police actions during a June 12 protest, when officers used tear gas and rubber bullets to disperse protesters who blocked the legislature on the day debate on the bill had been scheduled to resume.

The police say the use of force was justified, but have since adopted softer tactics, even as protesters besieged police headquarters in recent days, pelting it with eggs and spray-painting slogans on its outer walls.

Earlier, protesters demanding Hong Kong’s embattled leader step down clashed with police outside a flag-raising ceremony marking the anniversary of the former British colony’s return to China. Lam pledged to be more responsive to public sentiment.suspended debate on the bill

Police used riot shields and pepper spray to push back hundreds of helmeted protesters who tried to advance down closed streets toward the harborfront ceremony venue, where the Chinese and Hong Kong flags were raised together and two helicopters and a small flotilla passed by.

At the ceremony, Lam said a series of protests and marches that have attracted hundreds of thousands of students and other participants in recent weeks had taught her that she needs to listen better to the youth, and Hong Kong’s people in general. Lam has come under withering criticism for trying to push through the legislation.

“This has made me fully realize that I, as a politician, have to remind myself all the time of the need to grasp public sentiments accurately,” she said in a five-minute speech to the gathering in the city’s cavernous convention center.

She insisted her government has good intentions but said she “will learn the lesson and ensure that the government’s future work will be closer and more responsive to the aspirations, sentiments and opinions of the community.”

Security guards pushed pro-democracy lawmaker Helena Wong out of the room as she walked backward shouting at Lam to resign and withdraw the “evil” legislation. She later told reporters she was voicing the grievances and opinions of the protesters, who could not get into the event.

New this morning in Hong Kong. Police cordoned off this entrance protestors used to swarm into LegCo last night. The city takes stock of the damage today – physically, psychologically, economically. CE Carrie Lam says she hopes the city will return to normal. #HongKongProtests pic.twitter.com/LqllucWxBC— Ramy Inocencio 英若明 (@RamyInocencio) July 1, 2019

The following morning, Lam said she was hoping Hong Kong would return to normal.

Photos: Hong Kong Protesters Return to the Streets

PostBy: 殷楚楚-chuchu yin

Hundreds of thousands of Hong Kong citizens filled the city’s streets for a second weekend of protest against a controversial extradition bill that would allow authorities to send suspected criminals to China. The demonstration took place despite an earlier statement from Chief Executive Carrie Lam indicating that the proposed bill would be suspended indefinitely. Marchers were calling for Hong Kong’s leadership to step down and for a full withdrawal of the extradition bill. Organizers claim that more than 2 million people took part in the march in Hong Kong on Sunday.

A protester clenches his fist as hundreds of thousands of people march on the streets to stage a protest against the unpopular extradition bill in Hong Kong on June 16, 2019.

People pay their respects at the site where a man fell from a scaffolding at the Pacific Place complex while protesting against a proposed extradition bill, in Hong Kong, on June 16, 2019.

A man takes a selfie with a protest poster before sticking it to the wall of a walkway near the Legislative Council ahead of a speech by Chief Executive Carrie Lam on June 14, 2019.

Hong Kong’s Chief Executive, Carrie Lam, holds a press conference in Hong Kong on June 15, 2019. Lam said she will suspend a proposed extradition bill indefinitely in response to widespread public unhappiness over the measure, which would enable authorities to send some suspects to stand trial in mainland courts.

This general view shows thousands of protesters gathered ahead of the start of a new rally against a controversial extradition-law proposal in Hong Kong on June 16, 2019.

Protesters in a subway station, photographed on their way to the rally in Hong Kong on June 16, 2019

Protesters hold placards as they attend a demonstration demanding that Hong Kong’s leaders step down and withdraw the extradition bill, on June 16, 2019.

A large banner protesting against the extradition bill that reads “Fight for HK,” hung by pro-democracy protesters above Hong Kong on June 16, 2019

Protesters march on the streets against an extradition bill in Hong Kong on June 16, 2019.

Protesters hold placards as they prepare to demonstrate against the now suspended extradition bill on June 16, 2019.

A woman takes pictures from a rooftop as protesters march on a street below on June 16, 2019. 

An overhead view shows thousands of protesters marching through the street in Hong Kong on June 16, 2019.

Marchers continue to protest an extradition bill on June 16, 2019.

Protesters march through the streets of Hong Kong on June 16, 2019.

Protesters hold banners and shout slogans as they fill the streets of Hong Kong on June 16, 2019.

Protesters dressed in black take part in a new rally against a controversial extradition-law proposal in Hong Kong on June 16, 2019.

Protesters march in Hong Kong on June 16, 2019.

Demonstrators gather along a police barricade on June 16, 2019.

A protester with a mask gathers with others near the Legislative Council as they continue protesting against the unpopular extradition bill in Hong Kong early on June 17, 2019.

A protester holds a flag of Hong Kong between police and demonstrators outside the Office of the Chief Executive in Hong Kong on June 16, 2019.

Mourners hold candles during a vigil for a protester who died the previous night during a rally in Hong Kong, on June 17, 2019.

Protesters gather along a road after taking part in a march and rally on June 16, 2019. 

A helmet and messages of support for the protest against a proposed extradition bill are seen displayed in the early morning in Hong Kong on June 17, 2019.

Barricades, placed in an underground tunnel by protesters, photographed after a demonstration against the now suspended extradition bill on June 17, 2019

Hong Kong Is on the Frontlines of a Global Battle For Freedom

PostBy: 殷楚楚-chuchu yin

Protesters throw back a tear gas canister fired by police during a rally against an extradition law proposal outside the government headquarters in Hong Kong on June 12.

Hong Kong Is on the Frontlines of a Global Battle For Freedom

By Feliz SolomonJune 12, 2019 9:00 PM EDT

The crowds weren’t just equipped for a storm, they were counting on one. When rain started to fall on the tens of thousands of mostly young people amassed around Hong Kong’s legislature on the morning of June 12, umbrellas popped open with loud shouts of “Ga yau!” — a Cantonese cheer meaning “Add oil,” as to a fire. Within hours, the flimsy canopies were flipped sideways and turned into makeshift shields against tear gas and pepper spray fired by local police. They proved less reliable against rubber bullets, however, and might offer no protection at all against the authoritarian forces that loom over the entire island.

But the point was to try.

The protests were hardly the first in the former British colony since it was handed over to China in 1997. The specter of greater control by communist authorities on the mainland had driven Hong Kongers onto the streets in 2003, 2012 and 2014. But this time, the numbers were greater than ever before and the escalation carried at least the sense of a showdown.Photograph by Kin Cheung—AP

The specific issue at hand was a bill that would allow the extradition of fugitives to stand trial in mainland China. The legislation, fast-tracked by the city’s leadership, is widely seen as a threat to the unique freedoms this city of 7 million enjoys. Under the terms of the handover, Hong Kong has operated under a customized model called “one country, two systems,” which gave it a 50-year period of effective self-rule, even though it is part of China. Its history as a lucrative colonial port town left a liberal legacy unique in the People’s Republic.

Hong Kongers have long lived a freer, more cosmopolitan lifestyle than most Chinese, and prejudice against mainlanders is pervasive. Free speech and an independent press are enshrined in the Basic Law that has governed the city since the handover. They’re proud of their distinct cuisine and language, speaking Cantonese rather than the Mandarin more common in greater China.

But critics fear that China’s encroachment may bring an end to all that. Beijing might use the law to nab opponents and submit them to its notoriously opaque justice system, they say. The risk could extend beyond residents, even to visitors who pass through the city’s transit hub. “If Hong Kong’s extradition bill becomes law,” says Sean King, a former U.S. diplomat in Asia and currently senior vice president for the consultancy firm Park Strategies, “I’d think very carefully about visiting again anytime soon.”

In other words, the contest for Hong Kong reflects the stakes for the larger world that China seeks to lead.

The rise of Beijing has been the major global story of the new century. But the very breadth of that ascent and the bland labels of the areas where it has edged toward dominance — trade, infrastructure, finance, tech — have served to mask the nature of the system China brings with it. That system is control.

On the mainland, the system appears to go unchallenged, because control is almost total and cast as conformity. Along with a surveillance state, China’s Communist Party has worked to impose a singular vision of Chinese identity in territories where diversity once thrived. In the far western province of Xinjiang, authorities have detained more than a million ethnic Uighurs and other Muslim minorities in concentration camps where they are forced to adopt secular Chinese customs. In Tibet, the party is systematically erasing a rich Buddhist heritage. President Xi Jinping has revived nationalism as a unifying force, in step with a rising tide of authoritarians around the globe that U.S. President Donald Trump has in many cases embraced.A police officer pepper-sprays demonstrators during a protest against the extradition law proposal on June 10.A police officer pepper-sprays demonstrators during a protest against the extradition law proposal on June 10. Lam Yik Fei—The New York Times/ReduxDemonstrators overturn metal barriers on June 10, as protests against the extradition law turn violent.Demonstrators overturn metal barriers on June 10, as protests against the extradition law turn violent. Lam Yik Fei—The New York Times/Redux

Now it appears to be Hong Kong’s turn to feel the heat of a greater power forcing it into conformity — but China’s freest city won’t give in without a fight. Hong Kong has a long history of mass demonstrations. Significantly, just days before the protests erupted, it was host to one of the largest-ever vigils for the victims of Beijing’s bloody 1989 crackdown on democracy activists at Tiananmen Square. It’s the only place on Chinese soil where the massacre is openly commemorated, while government censors try to wipe it from mainland memory. The spirit of the protests snuffed out 30 years before helped inflame the demonstrations seen in Hong Kong.

“We’re furious, we’re angry, some of us are afraid — but we’re here anyway,” says Laurie Wen, a 48-year-old writer who joined this month’s protests. “The thing that infuriates us the most is pointing to the sky during the day and calling it night.”

Read more: ‘I’m in Prison Because I Fought For My City’s Freedom. Hong Kong’s Extradition Law Would be a Victory for Authoritarianism Everywhere’

Hong Kong’s fresh wave of civil disobedience began with a murder. In February 2018, a pregnant 20-year-old woman from Hong Kong was killed by her boyfriend during a trip to Taiwan. The suspect, Chan Tong-kai, then 19, flew back to Hong Kong and has since been jailed for lesser crimes. Unable to prosecute the Hong Kong resident for a murder beyond the city’s jurisdiction and without legal grounds to send him to Taiwan, the city’s chief executive, Carrie Lam, pushed for a bill that would allow Chan to be extradited.

But the legislation raised alarm bells. Hong Kong’s courts and Lam would have the authority to transfer suspects to jurisdictions with which the territory has no extradition agreement — not just Taiwan but also mainland China. This presents a threat not just to criminals but potentially to anyone whose behavior offends the Communist Party leadership, from human-rights advocates to business executives.Police officers stand guard during a protest on June 12.Police officers stand guard during a protest on June 12. Billy H.C. Kwok—Getty Images

That helps explain why an unusually diverse assemblage of lawyers, students, stay-at-home moms, business-people and others joined the protests against what they see as an existential assault on their rights. On Sunday, June 9, a two-mile stretch of a central avenue was filled with column after column of protesters in a uniform of plain white T-shirts. From above, the mass of slow-moving city dwellers looked like a giant snake sliding through a forest of skyscrapers and wrapping its jaws around Hong Kong’s legislative headquarters.

If the estimates are even close to accurate, the march was the largest protest in the city’s history; organizers say more than a million people — one-seventh of the population — flooded the streets with chants of “No extradition to China!” and “Carrie Lam, step down!”

The reality is, China already feels empowered to grab its adversaries from Hong Kong soil. In 2015, five book-sellers peddling salacious volumes about mainland politics disappeared; all five eventually resurfaced in China. In 2017, a Chinese tycoon was abducted by secret police from one of the city’s luxury hotels. But the extradition bill would render what are now noteworthy exceptions into something entirely routine; if the option to legally extradite people is on the table, Beijing will use it, critics say.Tear gas is released during a protest on June 12.Tear gas is released during a protest on June 12. Billy H.C. Kwok—Getty ImagesProtesters raise their hands during a protest on June 12.Protesters raise their hands during a protest on June 12. Billy H.C. Kwok—Getty Images

Chinese officials have spoken out in full support of the legislation, but Lam steadfastly denies that the amendments were Beijing’s idea. “This bill was not initiated by the central people’s government. I have not received any instruction or mandate from Beijing,” Lam told reporters at a press conference on June 10. “We were doing it, and we are still doing it, out of our clear conscience and our commitment to Hong Kong.”

Though Lam’s critics describe her as a “puppet” of the mainland, her protests illustrate the importance of maintaining at least the pretense of independence. The Hong Kong government is still haunted by the massive protests of 2003, which forced it to back down on national-security legislation outlawing sedition and criticism of the Chinese government. Scrapping the bill was perceived as an admission that the government knew it was wrong, and Lam is fearful a repeat would destroy both Beijing’s trust in her loyalty and her legitimacy at home. The last time Hong Kongers took to the street in great numbers, in the 2014 student-led occupation of the financial district that became known as the Umbrella Movement, the authorities here and in Beijing refused to grant concessions. Many student leaders were jailed, and some remain behind bars. If Lam gives in now, Hong Kong will have proved that throngs in the street still have currency in the final free enclave of China.Protesters walk through a cloud of tear gas on June 12.Protesters walk through a cloud of tear gas on June 12. Billy H.C. Kwok—Getty Images

This time, unlike in 2014, the protests have taken on a more violent tenor. On the streets, clashes broke out after some demonstrators hurled bricks and bottles at police. The first clouds of tear gas exploded into the crowds just before 4 p.m. on June 12, sending panicked protesters and journalists fleeing for the safety of malls and parking garages. But the demonstrators are defiant, vowing to defy the government until the legislation is dead in the water.

The business and diplomatic communities have answered the call to support them. More than 100 local businesses committed to joining a labor strike on June 12 — an extremely rare event in Hong Kong — fearing the law could even endanger investors and government employees transiting through Hong Kong.

The government has already shown itself willing to punish private companies for offending Beijing; last year, Financial Times journalist Victor Mallet was denied a working visa after chairing a talk by a pro-independence activist.

Protest leaders have shown no sign of backing down. “We ask everyone to continue staying here to support the demonstration,” Claudia Mo, a lawmaker with the pro-democracy Civic Party yelled to cheering crowds shortly before they were dispersed. “During Occupy Central in 2014, we said, ‘We will be back.’ Today, we say, ‘We are back!’”

Read more: ‘Hong Kong Was My Refuge, Now Its Freedom Is at Stake’Police advance toward protesters outside the government headquarters on June 12.Police advance toward protesters outside the government headquarters on June 12. Dale De La Rey—AFP/Getty ImagesDemonstrators transport bricks at a protest site on June 12. Police said some protesters threw bricks at officers.Demonstrators transport bricks at a protest site on June 12. Police said some protesters threw bricks at officers. Lucien Lung—Riva Press/Redux

The rift between Beijing and Hong Kong has now been widening for 22 years, and every attempt by the central government to bring Hong Kong further into its fold has triggered panic and protest. This in turn has deepened Beijing’s distrust of Hong Kong, which it sees as disloyal and subject to foreign interference.

News about the latest protests is being heavily censored in China, where state-controlled newspapers have blamed the unrest on “foreign forces” meddling in Hong Kong’s affairs — but experts say it is China’s own interference that may be further alienating its rogue territory.

“By forcing the issue in such an aggressive and abrupt way,” says James Millward, a professor of history at Georgetown University, “China can actually be creating a population in Hong Kong that will dig in and actually redefine itself in opposition to the mainland even more than it has so far.”Protesters shout after police fired tear gas on June 12.Protesters shout after police fired tear gas on June 12. Anthony Wallace—AFP/Getty Images

That risks putting the two sides on a more overt collision course. At best, more sustained opposition to Beijing will lead to political deadlock. At worst, it could lead to punishment in whatever form it deems fit.

Beijing’s tolerance of Hong Kong ultimately comes down to a cost-benefit analysis, and the city may be becoming more trouble than it’s worth. In 1993, four years before the handover, the coastal enclave was China’s cash cow — a financial gateway between East and West. At the time, the city accounted for roughly 27% of China’s GDP. But 26 years later, the mainland is awash in mercantile centers made in its own image and Hong Kong accounts for only about 2.9% of the Chinese economy.

“Uncomfortably for Hong Kongers, and everyone who loves Hong Kong, the city finds itself on the front lines of a global battle between a resurgent Chinese Communist Party and a world that adheres to liberal democratic values,” says Ben Bland, director of the Southeast Asia Project at the Lowy Institute and author of Generation HK: Seeking Identity in China’s Shadow. “The systems maintained by these two blocs are incompatible when pressed up against each other.”Police rest on a street during a rally near the government headquarters on June 12.Police rest on a street during a rally near the government headquarters on June 12. Dale De La Rey—AFP/Getty Images

Hong Kong’s freedoms currently allow it to fight back in ways that other parts of China can’t, but for how long? The state is becoming only more pervasive. -Xinjiang is seen by many as a laboratory for wider application of invasive surveillance. Human-rights groups have reported police methods for harvesting data from Xinjiang residents from phones and ID cards and using it to track and detain supposed threats to public order. “Many people think that Hong Kong may be the next place where it gets rolled out,” says Millward of Georgetown. In the meantime, the memory of Tiananmen — where public protest was ultimately met with tanks and fusillades — is as vivid as it is chilling in Hong Kong.

Like many youths who joined the latest protests, high school student Rachel Liu grew up in a political state scheduled to expire within her lifetime. At 15 years old, she’s tasted the freedom that Hong Kong offers and is afraid of the change an increasingly authoritarian Beijing will bring to the only home she knows. “There are so many officials in China, and they have so much power,” she said. “Even if this amendment doesn’t pass, there will be other amendments, other laws in the future that will bring Hong Kong more and more under China’s control. There’s nothing more important than this movement right now.” — With reporting by Laignee Barron, Aria Chen, Amy Gunia, Abhishyant Kidangoor and Hillary Leung/Hong Kong and Charlie Campbell/Shanghai

港独青年的自白:政治与文化的中港撕裂

PostBy: 殷楚楚-chuchu yin

陈家驹高举港独旗帜。
图像加注文字,陈家驹高举“港独”旗帜。

“香港独立”在香港被视为一条不能触碰的红线,中国政府、香港政府及建制派明确反对“港独”,称其为“分裂国家”的“违法行为”,对中港两地均没益处。就算是香港民主派,对港独运动也有不同声音,他们中很多认为香港没有能力和本钱独立于中国,在中国现况下争取独立,是一场遥不可及的梦,反之要在“一国两制”下争取最大的民主。

但根据香港中文大学2017年一项研究,香港有超过一成人支持香港独立,然而在香港,公开支持或讨论“港独”的人并不多,因为他们或需付上沉重代价,目前香港没有法例去直接禁止讨论“港独”人士,但“港独”人士现在近乎没可能入闸参选成为议员,创立的组织可能会被政府取缔。 

支持“港独”的香港民族党去年被香港政府取缔,视其为“非法社团”,任何人以民族党名义运作或工作,都是违法行为。港府方面给的理由是因为无法保证民族党不会以暴力争取香港独立,这是为了“保障国家、公众安全及自由人权”。外界一直盛传民族党被取缔后,其他“港独”组织也会成为下一个目标。

但事件引发了香港是否还有言论自由的担忧。英国政府近期向国会提交的香港半年报告书提到,英国不支持港独,但讨论宪制事宜是属于言论自由,“禁止香港民族党运作,对选举候选人进行政治筛选……香港的高度自治正被削弱”。ADVERTISEMENT

虽然中国及香港政府有意杜绝“港独”声音,把一切不稳定因素扼杀于萌芽之时,但“港独”并没有消失,继续产生小规模组织,要求香港独立。

BBC中文采访了两个支持“港独”的青年,这两人不完全代表香港“挺独”阵营,也有很多人或许不尽同意他们的说法,但或多或少反映了这一群体的思维模式以及社会政治的趋势,显示本土意识催生了更撕裂的身分认同,他们否认自己是“中国人”,把香港文化独立于中国,甚至自称“香港民族”。分析认为,“港独”正从政治层面走向文化及身份认同层面。 

陈家驹:从泛民走到港独

陈家驹创立了支持香港独立的“学生独立联盟”,自称有20名成员,在游行集会的时候,他的“港独”旗帜往往成为国际媒体的焦点。他曾经发起声援因旺角骚乱被判入狱的梁天琦及民族党召集人陈浩天的抗议活动,又试过到美国领事馆递交请愿信,要求美国尽快通过“香港人权民主法”,如果有中国、香港官员被指违反人权,美方可有机制予以制裁。学生独立联盟发起的示威活动,人数会多达一百人。因此,他经常成为香港亲共媒体攻击的对象。

但他走进独派这条路,不是一朝一夕的事,他经历过对中国怀抱希望、走进泛民势力试图推动正面的改变,但中港社会与政治矛盾所产生的压迫感持续,令他觉得香港在中国治下,不会有美好的未来,现在,他寻求两地的割裂。

陈家驹
图像加注文字,陈家驹(最右)

陈家驹生于小康之家,说自己的价值观深受母亲影响,这位生于1990年4月的青年笑言,母亲是在“六四”事件后,决定怀孕生下他,希望陈家驹能够把香港精神传承下去。

母亲常常对他谈政治,见到游行时会告诉他,“游行人士好像在阻塞道路,但我们需要他们,如果没有人发声,社会不会进步”。他形容自己母亲是“反极权”的人,有时带陈家驹参与“六四”晚会,也会在他面前称赞前港督彭定康

然而,幸福的生活在主权移交后的金融危机产生巨变。一家三口原本住在居屋(香港政府推出的“居者有其屋”计划房屋),但经济困境令他们无法再供楼,父母为此经常吵架,最终离婚收场。此后,父子两人过着飘泊的生活。多年来,房子越搬越小、租金却越来越贵。

“我没有稳定的住所,我不知道下一年会住在哪儿,不知未来会怎样,”他说,“我思考很久,为何在香港会得到如此居住环境,对香港政府很反感。”

房屋可以是政策制度的问题,但不一定是支持“港独”的原因。在读书期间,陈家驹不是一面倒反对中国。他一直有留意中国相关的新闻,曾经盼望中国富强后,会步向民主。2008年北京奥运,他会为中国队打气,但同年发生的四川大地震,豆腐渣工程与捐钱等问题,令他震惊,对政权感到失望。之后发生的广东乌坎事件,也令他觉得中国任何地方都不会有完全的民主。他现在会用强烈的字眼对中国和中共予以批评。他会用“六四事件”、文革、藏独、新疆“再教育营”等事例,去形容共产党是“极端的敌人”。

示威者以雨伞抵抗警察。
催泪弹。
图像加注文字,这一代香港人难以忘记的“占中“催泪弹画面。
防暴警察。

但他不是一夕之间便成为一个要用行动去争取港独的倡议者,在“雨伞运动”爆发前,他自言是一个“左胶”(指只讲理想的左翼分子),相信和平、理性、非暴力(简称“和理非”)的抗争模式,曾加入温和的泛民政党——公民党,希望透过帮公民党的人助选和从事地区工作,而带来一些改变。

但2014年,他在运动前线,在经历过与防暴警察对峙,吸入催泪弹之后,他改变了。当天,他亲眼目睹警察高举“速离否则开枪”的横幅,警察又用枪支对着示威者。

“那一刻,我脚抖起来,我觉得我会死,但身边的人说,我们香港人不会退缩,”他坚持不离开,“那刻很热血,觉得香港人会为民主政制牺牲。”

警方当天没有发射子弹,但却加深了当权者与示威者之间的仇恨。这79天的持久战,当时从事金融业的陈家驹选择不上班,分别在金钟和旺角留守,负责协助管理物资。

“我对公司说,我暂时不会回来,你喜欢就炒我(革退),”他说,“这件事比赚钱更重要。”

但这场运动没有换来中港政府的任何让步,在他眼中,失败的原因在于“和理非”不一定是最好的抗争模式。

他退出了不支持把抗争升级的公民党,投身更为激进的本土派,参与一些反对大陆新移民、水货客和旅客过多的抗议活动,还试过占领轻便铁路的路轨。他说,相关行动是要对政府表达不满,而政府没有任何回应,所以只有用更加激进的模式去引发关注。

中港政府尝试让香港人对国家更具归属感,主权移交后,慢慢在电视奏放国歌,又希望在校园内推动国民教育,但以上种种都被政策都被反对派指称“洗脑”。其中,最让陈家驹不满的是香港政府大量接收大陆来港人士以及推动在中小学以普通话教授中文。

以往香港的学校绝大部分以粤语教授中文,普通话是另外一门科目,但主权移交后,教育局提倡以普通话教授中文,2008年起资助学校培训老师“普教中”,政府数字显示,在2008至2016学年间,推行普教中的小学由55%增至70%,中学则由31%增至37%。有些学校会担心小一学生未能适应,或是高小高中的学生要应付公开考试,而选择混以粤教中。民间组织“港语学”发表的调查指,2017至2018年度,全港有超过7成小学及约28%的中学,合共483间中小学推行“普教中”,数字比高峰期时2014年519间有所回落,原因是一些学校认为普教中欠缺成效而取消普教中。教育局曾经表示,没有证据证明普教中提升学生中文水平,一些研究更指出,母语为粤语的学生以普通话学中文,成续可能较差,但局方坚持认为普教中是长远的方向。

根据香港保安局向立法会提交的数字,由1997年主权移交后至2018年年底,有超过100万大陆居民以家庭团聚为由,持单程证到香港定居。一些支持有关政策的人认为这有助解决香港人口老化的问题。

在陈家驹眼中,新移民带来了很多不同的问题:最大原因是大批新移民到香港申请入住公营房屋,影响到香港人居住的权利。香港政府没办法控制中国访港旅客的数字,一方面香港出现了大批药房和金铺,去迎合游客,改变了社会的面貌,失去了香港特色的店铺;另一方面,衍生了水货客问题,他们到香港购买大量日用品再拿回大陆变卖,曾经香港奶粉卖得脱销,迫使香港政府推出“限奶令”。

固然,以上种种可以是针对中港两地政策的不满,但他认为,这不单是政策的问题,而是大陆游客和新移民,没有为社会、为他人着想的心态,好多时为自己利益行事,这种素质和香港人不一样;加上,他所认识的新移民,不愿意学习广东话,行为举止比较粗鲁,也令他觉得自己不能把自己视为中国人。

n this photo taken on February 9, 2016, protesters clash with police during demostrations, later dubbed the 'Fishball Revolution', in the Mongkok area of Hong Kong.
图像加注文字,一些示威者提倡“勇武抗争”。
2016年的农历新年旺角骚乱。
图像加注文字,2016年的旺角骚乱被泛民谴责是暴力行为,令本土派大为不满。

但以更激进的示威模式去争取诉求充满争议,特别是民主派阵营里面,“和理非”抗争仍然是不少人坚持的理念。

本土派政党——“青年新政”游蕙祯和梁颂恒当年挤身议会时,高举 “香港不是中国”的旗帜,并曾在宣誓时将中国称作“支那”,虽然那一瞬间成为国际媒体的焦点,但同时让政府得到借口,剥夺他们得来不易的席位。2016年农历新年,执法人员驱赶无牌小贩引发旺角骚乱,多名示威者因为这场示威而被判入狱,当中不少是陈家驹的朋友。

令陈家驹失望的不单是政府的打压,而是发生这些事件时,泛民中人选择割席,不用力去声援本土派人士。

眼见当下的政治环境,陈家驹曾经灰心,对未来没有寄望,买不起房,找不到好工作,自己下一代小孩要说普通话,然后无论用什么方法争取,也好像难以向前。这些压力让他一度陷入抑郁,需要看医生服药。

2017年,陈家驹和女朋友周游列国,希望寻找地方移民,原本计划一同到欧洲。他说,如果很理性去想,移民是最好的出路,那边环境好、人比较少,也有空间让他发展对音乐、语言的兴趣,但他始终爱香港,最后打消了移民的念头,与女朋友分手,他的这位女朋友也是在社运活动上认识,但她已移民了。

他认为,唯一的出路就是香港独立。旅行回到香港以后,他在网上发起号召组成联盟,创立“学生独立联盟”和“香港独立联盟”,在其他港独或本土派人士被打压之时,他会进行声援,希望“港独”声音不死,未来希望在国际上争取支持。

陈家驹目前靠兼职设计糊口,以网上募捐形式为组织筹集资金,但他坚持不公开财政状况,担心成为当权者针对的借口,又指担心有一些人士加入组织后会出卖他们,把资讯告知建制媒体,所以接收成员有很高标准。他说,如果自己的组织像“香港民族党”般被政府取缔,他会劝退其他成员,自己则找机会继续向国际社会讲述自己理念。

陈家驹
图像加注文字,陈家驹声援在外国记者会演讲的陈浩天,被警方带走。

锺翰林:17岁的“港独”学生

“港独”圈子有些非常年轻的面孔,其中包括17岁的中学生、“学生动源”召集人锺翰林。“学生动源”是一个规模较小的“港独”组织,2016年曾经联同其他独派组织,在学校门外派发传单,宣扬”港独”,引来媒体广泛报道,并遭到港府明确反对。

作为零零后,没有经历过港英年代,出生时,香港已主权移交中国,但他小时候已认定自己不是“中国人”,只是“香港人”。

锺翰林自小父母便离婚,目前跟祖父居住,以前公公婆婆很喜欢跟他谈及97年之前香港发生的种种社会、政治事件,有时候,立场较为反共的长辈会对他谈到“六四事件”、“六七暴动”,他都对这些事情十分感兴趣,会自行上网看回每一件历史事件。家中长辈又会对他说,大陆如何不济,会形容中国落后、没有文化的一面,他因此从小便对中国没有什么好感。

他自言与一般学生不一样,不沉迷打电动游戏、打篮球,热衷思辨时政。上课时,桌上摆放教科书,实际上在埋首细阅《香港独立论》,社交媒体上的帖子以时政为主,论“港独”、论中港矛盾,一些同学忍受不住,把他从朋友列表中删除。他的朋友现在主要是社运圈子的人。

在锺翰林看来,香港政府在学校推行的爱国教育对他来说适得其反。“小学会有升旗礼、唱国歌,我都会问为什么,我们香港有区旗,有自己香港人的旗,”他说,“我觉得我与中国这个国家没有连系、没连结。”

锺翰林高举「港英」旗。
图像加注文字,锺翰林高举“港英”旗。
HK INDEPENDENCE

他和陈家驹一样,深深体会到中国大陆影响下香港的改变,他对于香港接收大陆移民的政策特别不满,因为香港审核这批新移民的要求比其他国家低,不会要求他们会讲广东话或是了解香港的历史文化,但这些移民却表现得,好像要香港改变去配合他们,而且他们的人口之多,不单令香港无法解决土地问题,也影响到香港未来的选举。他所读的学校,他发现愈来愈多大陆学生不愿意学广东话,更要求香港学生迁就他们讲普通话。这些都让他觉得失去了香港独有的身份与地位。

2012年,16岁的香港学运领袖黄之锋发起反国民教育,让锺翰林知道中学生也能参与政治,但锺翰林对BBC中文说,最让他对政治萌生强烈想法的触发点,是2012年香港行政长官答问大会中,唐英年指控梁振英有意用防暴队及催泪弹对付反23条(国家安全法)示威者。

“那时候我连防暴队是什么也不太清楚,我要在网络搜寻,为什么警察会好像军人般对付香港人?”他说,“那刻开始,我便对政治很感兴趣。”梁振英当选后的2014年,香港真的出现了防暴队对付示威者的场面。

2014年,锺翰林说自己还小,不是运动的参与者,但这场运动却令他认为,“和理非”抗争模式不会带来任何结果。他也和陈家驹一样,选择加入提倡把行动升级、作“勇武抗争”的本土派,只有13、4岁,便响应了本土派组织发起的反水货客行动,那是他真正参与社会运动的开始,因为这关乎他的社区,那儿因为愈来愈多大陆水货客而衍生太多金铺和药房。这些活动中,有时会发生一些示威者与民众或警察有口角甚至是肢体碰撞。

他把本土派视为最重要的生活圈子,大部分时间也只是在看本土派的网上媒体,关注各个本土派的领袖和代表人物,了解他们的论述和助选。他坦言,甚少留意其他民主派的说法。

锺翰林联同几名中学生和大专生共同创立“学生动源”,希望在校园推行“港独”,过往一些派传单行动的确引发起一些风波,但这些行动因为支持度不足无法延续,这个组织经历了一段迷茫,不知如何走下去的阶段。

他对BBC中文说,这个组织的初衷,并不单纯只做普通的抗议活动,他是心底里反对“和理非”活动的一群。

“我自己定位为一名行动者,我是惯常不露外表,蒙着脸的那种。”

但最后,也无法达到目标。“我自己很坦白,整个学生动源都好失败。”

他们在校园外派发港独传单引发争议。
图像加注文字,他们在校园外派发“港独”传单引发争议。

经过几年时间在这个圈子,他认为独派没法成为主流的原因,并不单纯是政府的施压,也是民众对港独的支持度下降。

他说,2016年宣誓事件成为了分水岭,游蕙祯、梁颂恒的“支那”论亦让香港人觉得他们的所作所为幼稚,牵连其他本土派及独派,以往在街头宣扬“港独”,支持和反对的人都会与他们对话,不少人会感到好奇,但宣誓事件后,大部分人把他们当作透明。

“独派有根本性的缺陷,许多事情流于口号,没有任何计划,所以市民觉得我们做白日梦很正常,就是因为缺乏论述。”

他希望未来,支持“港独”的人一方面除了要面对政府施压,同时要花时间,从外国的独派组织学习,探讨“港独”的原因、好处和之后所需要的社会制度,有一套更清晰的论述去说服市民的支持。

但他同时承认,目前情况下争取香港独立十分困难,现在所做的事情,只是希望把“港独”声音延续,寄望于未来的变化。

投身社运具有风险。去年11月,他在元朗区突然被一名男子刻意碰撞和拳打,需要报警求助,警方把案件列作普通袭击。他被施袭的原因以及行凶者是谁,仍然是一个谜,这宗案件很可能会无疾而终,他个人估计是因为政治立场问题有人想吓唬他。

“由第一天去做这件事(支持“港独”),我便想过会被捕坐牢,也想过死,但我不会挂在口边……但你要知道可能有这样的结果,我是否已预备了?我答你,还没有,但我知道这结果,”他说。

游蕙祯的一张"香港不是中国"的横额,登上多家国际媒体的版面。
图像加注文字,游蕙祯在立法会的一张“香港不是中国”的横额,登上多家国际媒体的版面。

17岁的他即将要面临进入大学的公开考试,自言成绩不佳,升读大学机会甚微,原本立志成为议员,但议会之路不太可能,又不愿意担任立场不相符的泛民主派议员助理,他的选择不多。

“对于社运和个人未来,我都没有一个好的想法,”他说,“我毕业了,很担心自己没有工作做,我个人都好迷茫未来如何走下去。”

香港人VS中国人

不少观察人士认为,“港独”思潮的崛起,源自香港人对中共政权的不满,但渐渐地这种政治上的诉求,慢慢演变成文化上的独立,独派人士除了反对中共政权之外,他们认为香港人有别于中国人,甚至能自成一个民族。

陈家驹母亲那边的亲戚也来自大陆,但他说现在香港文化和语言和中国大陆不一样,可以自称“香港民族”,他否定自己是中国人、甚至否定自己是“华人”,认为“中华民族”这个概念,只是被人建构出来。他强调,自己一出生便是香港人,不会觉得自己是中国人。

两人的想法未必是社会上主流意见,也不一定代表所有“港独”派人士的想法。

曾经指港独派是“围炉取暖”的香港时事评论员程翔认为,这反映香港部分青年不单是政治层面抗拒中共,而是文化上拒绝中国。

根据香港大学民意研究计划去年12月所做的电话调查,当被访市民可在“香港人”、“中国的香港人”、“中国人”及“香港的中国人”四者中选择自己认同的身分时,40%称自己为“香港人”,15%自称为“中国人”,26%自称为“中国的香港人”,而17%则自称为“香港的中国人”,而如果单纯问他们对个别身份的认同感时,香港市民对“香港人”认同感最高,有80.8分(100分为最高),但对“中国人”的认同感只有62.4分,创2014年12月以来的新低。这调查反映部分港人与“中国人”身份有一定抗拒感。

程翔对BBC中文说,香港产生本土意识责任在于北京,因为中国对香港在政治上越收越紧,改变了“一国两制”的精神。

“英国统治香港150年,从来都无产生分离主义的意识,为何香港回归20年,就产生强烈的分离主义的意识?原因是宗主国的政策,对香港的政策有好大的不同。”

他以《国歌法》做例子,以往香港人扭曲、耻笑英国国歌不违法,现在就加以限制,这种改变会催生分离意识。

他认为,香港人建构出自我身份认同,源自三段共同历史回忆:1967年香港暴动、1989年北京天安门事件、2014年雨伞运动。三件事的共同特点是反对中共的当权派,而在几十年的统治间,也塑造了中国人民一种较为“狭隘”的思想,例如中国网民动辄就会对外国企业或个人施以攻击。

他引用中国作家韩寒的说话,“大陆用了前30年教你斗争,后30年教你贪婪,经过了60年,就变得又凶残又贪婪”,他认为中共治下大陆人民表现出的状态,是引发香港强烈对抗的原因。

一些建制团体反对香港独立,提倡尽快就23条立法。
一些建制团体反对香港独立,提倡尽快就23条立法。
图像加注文字,一些建制团体反对香港独立,提倡尽快就23条立法。

程翔认为,大家均是“中国人”、也是“华人”,只是“中国”这个字经常被中共借用,令大家不愿意自称“中国人”。新一代犯了错误,把中国等同中共,每当为中国说好话便被视为“中共走狗”,这样不太对。

他认为,年轻一代不应在身份问题上突出“非中国人”的身份。即使有强烈本土意识,也应该思考共同面对同一敌人。

香港时事评论员刘锐绍认为,这种(香港民族)的想法不会轻易成为主流,但要视乎官方的打压力度,如果用禁制的方法,仍然可能把这些想法变成具冲击力的意见。

他提到,目前中国国内说法是“狭隘地把所有不稳定因素扼杀于萌芽状态”,未来一段时间,“港独”或相关团体的行动,会受到一定制约,这些抗争运动或会进入一个沉寂期,官方亦可能把打压力度扩大,借势把一些不提倡“港独”的组织也予以打压,影响言论自由, 如果只用高压手段而不采取疏导方式,抗争只会以其他形式出现。

“本来水龙头的水是慢慢流下来,甚至连锈蚀也慢慢流走,但现在找东西挡住它,那这种行动只会适得其反。”