六四「最後的秘密」 香港出版中共機密文件再揭權力內幕

PostBy: 殷楚楚-chuchu yin

「六四」資料照片

1989年6月3日深夜至4日凌晨, 中共下令軍隊鎮壓學生民主運動,用武力驅趕佔領北京天安門廣場的大學生,造成至少數百人傷亡。

如何收拾殘局和中共有關「六四」問題的決策內幕一直是中共的最高政治秘密,民間對事件真相追求的努力一直沒有停止,黨內文件不斷以各種渠道公布出來。

「六四」30週年之際,香港新世紀出版社出版《最後的秘密——中共十三屆四中「六四」結論文檔》,公布關於「六四」事件的又一批黨內機密文件,展現「六四」鎮壓後,中共「統一思想」的過程,揭露高層權力運作的機制。

6月19日至21日中共中央政治局擴大會議在北京召開,多位中共元老在會上做了講話或書面發言,隨後,中共十三屆四中全會在西郊賓館召開,489名中共黨內元老和最高級別官員出席。政治局擴大會議上產生的文件,以中央文件的形式下發。這是中共最後一次、也是唯一一次以中央全會的形式對「六四」事件定下結論。

「最後的秘密」

「六四」軍隊開槍20天後,於6月23-24日召開的此次中央全會的主要議題是支持鄧小平的開槍決定,用中央全會的形式,撤銷趙紫陽的總書記職務, 強化 「4.26 社論」對「八九學運」的定性,並集體「學習」鄧小平關於「六四」事件的數個講話和時任總理李鵬關於撤消趙紫陽職務的報告。

數天前舉行的中共政治局擴大會議上的元老講話和高官發言以機密文件的形式發給參會官員,在會議結束時全面回收以確保對外保密。

《最後的秘密》一書收錄了十三屆四中全會下發的27份文件, 共209頁。包括陳雲、楊尚昆、李先念、薄一波、王震、聶榮臻、萬里、彭真、胡啟立、芮杏文等17名中共元老和高官口頭講話和書面表態會議記錄。

鄧小平5月31日和6月16日與高級領導人的談話記錄,以及北京市委李錫銘、市長陳希同和公安部長王芳的報告也在新書文件中。

這些從未公開的內部資料揭露了中共高層政治內幕。深入分析這批珍貴史料,可有助了解中共政權面臨合法性危機時,身處中國最高權力小圈子的中共官員,如何主動或被迫懺悔、站隊和表態,支持鄧小平,批判趙紫陽。

《最後的秘密》

「冒險」出版過程與真實性核實

銅鑼灣書店事件之後,香港的政治類圖書出版業幾乎停滯,獨立出版人面臨極大政治和生存壓力。

在嚴格保密的情況下,新世紀出版社耗時數月對《最後的秘密》一書中披露的文件來源做了考證和說明, 表示本書中的文件由27份文本組成,共209頁,全部來自「六四」天安門事件之後兩次中共高層會議,即北京市委第六屆全體擴大會議和中共十三屆四中全會。但從文件編號缺失5份可看出,本書涵蓋文件並非十三屆四中全會文件的全部。目前估計,缺少中共政治局常委喬石、田紀雲和姚依林的講話。

出版人鮑樸對BBC中文說:「稿件接收時中間人和最終來源為了安全,保密身份,因此來源不能作為出版的條件。是否決定出版最重要的是看稿件的內容,材料必須經過考證和認證,確認文件的真實性。」

出版社稱除了對原始圖像做了少許技術處理,「沒有對文本進行任何選擇、刪除或更改」。身份未知的中間人向出版社的編輯提供了USB數字存儲裝置,原始文件中文字的缺陷沒有加以修復,但出版社編輯發現,這些文件已經做了一些數字處理,比如刪去了文件的編號和絶密標記。

據了解,文件被中共黨內姓名不詳的某高級官員複製並保存了多年,所有文件通過中介人提供,「沒有附加或口頭傳達任何解釋或說明」。

但BBC中文無法獨立對文件進行核實。

此書的重要意義在於可為之前面世的自傳文獻和其他官方文本,形成相互佐證,揭示在中共如何克服黨章程序上的限制,強行罷免趙紫陽,合法化武力鎮壓學生運動,並在開槍後統一思想,為接下來中共的權力體系布局。

本書也成為《改革歷程》和《李鵬六四日記》之後,民間獲得的解讀中共權力幕後高層運作的又一重要歷史文獻。

陳雲講話

高官發言:「國內外敵人——該殺的殺,該判刑的判刑」

引人注目的是,在黨內資歷高於鄧小平的元老陳雲未出席會議,以書面的形式提交兩句話:「一、趙紫陽同志辜負了黨對他的期望。二、我同意中央對趙紫陽同志的處理」。陳雲並未明確表示支持鄧小平使用軍隊鎮壓的決定。

87歲的退休元帥徐向前說,學運的根本目的是「妄圖推翻中國共產黨的領導,顛覆社會主義的中華人民共和國,建立一個反共反社會主義的、完全附庸於西方大國的資產階級共和國」。

對於如何處理「敵人」,81歲的前軍人和國家副主席王震言辭最為激烈,如果「鎮壓反革命暴亂就此完結,我很不贊成」。似乎沒說過癮,王震又提交了一份書面講話(王震是唯一有兩份發言稿的人),細數具體措施:「該殺的殺,該判刑的判刑,勞改、勞教一大批……戴了帽子的,勞改勞教的,一律吊銷城鎮戶口,送到偏遠地區,強制勞動。」

王震強調,「這次我們的方針是,一個不放過,一個不擴大。否則,不足以顯示人民民主專政的威力。」

王震將趙紫陽重用或支持的改革派稱為「像(注:原文)林彪那樣的大小艦隊」。他說這些人「控制一大批輿論工具,到處搞政治性沙龍、演講和集會,甚至鑽進黨和國家的核心部門,佔居重要崗位」。

王震用語強硬,接連兩個四字詞語和一連串並列短語描述他認為的嚴峻形勢:「(他們)上下勾連,內外串通,長期以來進行思想的、輿論的、組織的凖備和精心策劃……發動利用社會上的流氓政治團伙和地主官僚、封建軍閥反動階級殘餘及社會渣滓,企圖以動亂直至暴亂,達到推翻中國共產黨(的目的)。」

針對「國外敵人」,宋平說:「美國多方插手,『美國之音』每天造謠、煽動,唯恐中國不亂。」王震逐個列出了他所認為的海外勢力如何影響學運:金錢收買、思想文化滲透、派遣特務、盜竊情報、製造謠言、挑起動亂、扶植內部敵對勢力等,「除了直接出兵,什麼都用上了」。

被鄧小平臨時授命,取代趙紫陽的江澤民, 以總書記的身份發言,借著對其上任起關鍵作用的《世界經濟導報》事件,指責趙紫陽「採取資產階級政客的態度」。

江澤民含糊了鄧小平和保守派之間的分歧,向鄧效忠,為自己在黨內權力之路獲得平衡。 他的講話文件中表示,「鄧小平同志等老一代革命家健在,一般的工作,我們絶不打擾他們, 但是遇到重大問題,我們還是可以隨時向小平同志請教,聽取其他老一輩革命家的意見」。

趙紫陽
圖像加註文字,實質上已被軟禁的趙紫陽參加了政治局擴大會議,但沒有被安排發言(趙紫陽資料照片)。

實質上已被軟禁的趙紫陽參加了政治局擴大會議,但沒有被安排發言。兩天的會議時間,主要請所有參加會議的黨內元老和中共最高官員逐一發言,表態批判。 鄧小平只在第二天出席。 

據趙紫陽在其《改革歷程》一書中記錄,他堅持在最後進行自辯發言,發言時,與會者「面部緊張,急躁不安」。

正式表決時,據趙回憶,鄧小平說,「到會的人,不管是不是政治局成員,都有權參加表決」。 黨內元老李先念接著說,「這是李鵬給大家的權利(因為李鵬是會議主持人)」。

在趙紫陽看來,這些十分「滑稽」的程序卻意在「以勢壓人」。除趙之外,全體舉手贊成。這場看似合法,但實際無視《黨章》的會議,試圖使中共鎮壓八九學運合法化。

。

被迫認錯:「輿論失控」因趙而起

《最後的秘密》涵蓋的機密文件還包括因反對鎮壓而遭到撤職的政治局常委胡啟立,以及主管宣傳的芮杏文和統戰部部長閻明復。他們承認,在危機時執行了趙紫陽的指示。這暴露出黨內80年代對新聞與文藝自由的不同路線。但不少「六四」研究者認為,他們的認錯是迫不得已。

閻明復在講話中說,自己在「八九」學運期間經歷了從「比較清醒」到「嚴重模糊、矛盾重重」的過程。但5月19日戒嚴大會後,聽了彭真、楊尚昆、李鵬、喬石的談話,「特別是聽了傳達小平同志重要講話,才又重新有了比較清醒認識」。

「八九」學運期間,5月20日北京戒嚴前,中國的新聞工作者爭取到了極為短暫的新聞自由。在刊發黨內宣傳講話的間隙,得以客觀、公正地報道學運。

胡啟立的講話為此提供了事實依據。他說,「十二日,我按照紫陽同志的批示,向首都各大新聞單位主編傳達了他的講話」。他被迫承認,這次傳達是「向新聞界燒了一把火」,令「錯誤的輿論導向」出現。

芮杏文也表示,他向首都新聞單位負責人傳達了趙紫陽的批示,因而「給新聞單位負責人鬆了綁,使新聞宣傳決了口,輿論失控越來越嚴重,直至完全失控」。

文藝思想上,芮杏文提到趙紫陽與鄧小平的不同政策。他說,鄧小平的出發點是,「黨對文藝工作要按照文藝創作規律來管,不要亂管,不要亂干涉」。而趙紫陽則認為「少管、不管」。

揭秘的意義

基於此套機密文件和其他資料,對本書做了深入史料考證的「六四」親歷者和旅美作家吳禹論接受BBC獨家採訪時說:「新書完整呈現了一套罕見的歷史資料,揭示了中共高層運作機制。在危機時刻,正是這種機制,完全無視任何事實、意識形態、一切法律或規章制度, 而確保獨一無二的最高領袖掌握權力。這是中共執政的法寶。」

另一位為此書做了導言的美國政治學者黎安友評價:「本書所刊登的文件闡述了中共官方對鄧小平10年改革,1989年危機以及之後黨的方針的看法。 這一立場在其後三十年基本上保持不變, 並是現今習近平領導的共產黨的指導思想。」

「這些黨內學習材料對了解和研究中國黨內高層政治規則,1980年代高層嚴重政策分歧導致幾近崩潰的困境、以及今天仍然面臨的問題,提供了十分難得的機會。這些文件也為了解習近平治下當今共產黨領導心態提供了獨特的視角」。

Liu Xiaobo: The man China couldn’t erase

PostBy: 殷楚楚-chuchu yin

“There is nothing criminal in anything I have done but I have no complaints.”

So stated Liu Xiaobo in court in 2009, and in the eight long prison years between then and now, he refused to recant his commitment to democracy. No wonder China’s leaders are as afraid of him in death as they were in life.

The Chinese Communist Party was once a party of conviction, with martyrs prepared to die for their cause, but it’s had nearly 70 years in power to become an ossified and cynical establishment. It imprisons those who demand their constitutional rights, bans all mention of them at home and uses its economic might abroad to exact silence from foreign governments. Under President Xi, China has pursued this repression with great vigour and success. Liu Xiaobo is a rare defeat.

Beijing’s problem began in 2010 when he won a Nobel Peace Prize. That immediately catapulted Liu Xiaobo into an international A-list of those imprisoned for their beliefs, alongside Nelson Mandela, Aung San Suu Kyi and Carl von Ossietzky.

The last in that list may be unfamiliar to some, but to Beijing he’s a particularly uncomfortable parallel. Carl von Ossietzky was a German pacifist who won the 1935 Nobel Peace Prize while incarcerated in a concentration camp. Hitler would not allow a member of the laureate’s family to collect the award on his behalf.

Liu Xiaobo was also serving a prison sentence for subversion when he won the peace prize. Beijing would not let his wife collect the award and instead placed her under house arrest. Liu Xiaobo was represented at the 2010 award ceremony in Oslo by an empty chair and the comparisons began between 21st Century China and 1930s Germany.

The empty chair with Liu Xiaobo's Nobel Peace Prize on it
While in jail, Liu was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. An empty chair was left for him at the ceremony

Strict censorship is another shared feature of both cases. Mention of Carl von Ossietzky’s 1935 Nobel peace prize was banned in Nazi Germany and the same is true of Liu Xiaobo’s award in China today. For a time China even banned the search term “empty chair”. So he has been an embarrassment to China internationally, but at home few Chinese are aware of him. Even as foreign doctors contradicted the Chinese hospital on his fitness to travel, and Hong Kong saw vigils demanding his release, blanket censorship in mainland China kept the public largely ignorant of the dying Nobel laureate in their midst.

Selective amnesia is state policy in China and from Liu Xiaobo’s imprisonment until his death, the government worked hard to erase his memory. To make it hard for family and friends to visit, he was jailed nearly 400 miles from home. His wife Liu Xia was shrouded in surveillance so suffocating that she gradually fell victim to mental and physical ill health. Beijing punished the Norwegian government to the point where Oslo now shrinks from comment on Chinese human rights or Liu Xiaobo’s Nobel prize.

An undated handout photo made available through the twitter account of Guangzhou-based activist Ye Du, shows Chinese dissident Liu Xiaobo (L) with his wife Liu Xia, at an undisclosed location.
Liu Xiaobo (left) is seen here with his wife Liu Xia (right) in this undated photo

But in death as in life, Liu Xiaobo has refused to be erased. The video footage of the dying man which China released outside the country was clearly intended to prove to the world that everything was done to give him a comfortable death. The unintended consequence is to make him a martyr for China’s downtrodden democracy movement and to deliver a new parallel with the Nobel Peace Prize of 1930s Germany.

Liu Xiaobo was granted medical parole only in the terminal stage of his illness, and even in hospital he was under close guard with many friends denied access to his bedside. Nearly 80 years ago, Carl von Ossietzky also died in hospital under prison guard after medical treatment came too late to save him.

Comparisons with the human rights record and propaganda efforts of Nazi Germany are particularly dismaying for Beijing after a period in which it feels it has successfully legitimised its one-party state on the world stage. At the G20 summit in Hamburg earlier this month, no world leader publicly challenged President Xi over Liu Xiaobo’s treatment. With China increasingly powerful abroad and punitive at home, there are few voices raised on behalf of its political dissidents.

Liu Xiaobo was not always a dissident. An outspoken academic with a promising career and a passport to travel, until 1989 he’d led a charmed life. The Tiananmen Square democracy movement that year was the fork in his path. After the massacre on June 4th, the costs of defying the Party were tragically clear to all.

Most of his contemporaries, and of the generations which followed, judged those costs too high. They chose life, liberty and a stake in the system.

Liu Xiaobo was one of the few who took the other fork. He stayed true to the ideals of 1989 for the rest of his life, renouncing first his opportunities to leave China, and then, repeatedly, his liberty. Even in recent years, his lawyers said he had turned down the offer of freedom in exchange for a confession of guilt.

‘If you want to enter hell, don’t complain of the dark….’

Liu Xiaobo once wrote. And in the statement from his trial which was read at his Nobel award ceremony alongside his empty chair, Liu Xiaobo said he felt no ill will towards his jailers and hoped to transcend his personal experience.

No wonder such a man seemed dangerous to Beijing. For a jealous ruling party, an outsider with conviction is an affront, and those who cannot be bought or intimidated are mortal enemies.

But for Liu Xiaobo the struggle is over. The image of his empty deathbed will now haunt China like the image of his empty chair. And while Beijing continues to intimidate, persecute and punish those who follow his lead, it will not erase the memory of its Nobel prize winner any more than Nazi Germany erased its shame 81 years ago.

六四天安门(3小时纪录片) 1989 Tiananmen Square protests

PostBy: 殷楚楚-chuchu yin

纪录片天安门 纪念六四,勿忘历史 documentary movie THE GATE OF HEAVENLY PEACE about Tiananmen square protests of 1989.Music in this video

Song:A Rotating Machine
Artist:Cao Wengong
Album:Anthology Of Chinese Traditional and Folk Music: Dizi Vol. 8
Licensed to YouTube by:AdShare for a Third Party (on behalf of China Media Ventures); BMG Rights Management (US), LLC, BMI – Broadcast Music Inc., AdShare (Publishing), and 4 Music Rights Societies
Song:Lang (Album Version)
Artist:Chyi Chin
Licensed to YouTube by:UMG (on behalf of Universal Music Taiwan), and 2 Music Rights Societies